The ceremony proceeded as scheduled. The guard of honour was inspected. The royal address was delivered — calmly, clearly, and without any visible sign of disturbance despite the crisis swirling around it.

But five chairs were empty.

The four Undang Yang Empat — Datuk Mubarak Dohak (Sungei Ujong), Datuk Maarof Mat Rashad (Jelebu), Datuk Muhammed Abdullah (Johol) and Datuk Abdul Rahim Yasin (Rembau) — were not present. Neither was Tunku Besar Tampin Tunku Syed Razman. Together they had issued a joint statement the night before advising the ceremony be postponed.

It was the first time in 17 years that the Undang had failed to attend the DUN opening alongside the ruler they had elected.

What Kalimullah Hassan Said

Veteran journalist and former Chief Executive Officer of the New Straits Times Group, Kalimullah Hassan, was watching the Facebook livestream of the ceremony from his screen. He posted on Instagram to his 4,077 followers what he saw — and what he felt.

“Never have I seen in any official Royal function — be it in Malaysia where we have nine monarchs — or anywhere else in the world of monarchy such a sight of palace chieftains who abandoned their ruler like at the opening of the Negri Sembilan legislative assembly.

I wonder — is this what is termed derhaka (treason, disobedience, disloyalty, or rebellion)? It’s a tragedy that this is what it has come to. Especially in Negri Sembilan, a federation stretching back a few hundred years. The empty chairs, in my view, are a burden of shame on those who chose to indignify the occasion.”

Source: @kalimullah

The word he used — derhaka — is not a word a Malaysian journalist uses lightly. It carries the full weight of Malay royal tradition, Islamic obligation and constitutional law. In the Malay world, derhaka to a ruler is among the gravest acts a subject can commit.

What Does Derhaka Mean?

Derhaka in its fullest sense means treason, disloyalty, disobedience or rebellion against one’s ruler. It is a concept embedded in Malay adat, Islamic tradition and Malaysian law.

Historically, derhaka was punishable by death. In the modern constitutional framework, it finds expression in several legal provisions:

The Sedition Act 1948 defines seditious tendency to include anything that brings into hatred or contempt, or excites disaffection against any Ruler, or questions the constitutional position of any Ruler. A public declaration — broadcast on Facebook Live — purporting to remove a sitting ruler without following a single constitutional requirement could arguably meet this definition.

Chapter VII of the Penal Code criminalises conduct aimed at wrongful deposition of a ruler, his heirs or successors. Senior constitutional lawyer Malik Imtiaz Sarwar specifically flagged this provision in his Free Malaysia Today article of 23 April 2026, noting it exists precisely to guard against interference with the royal institution.

The Negeri Sembilan Constitution 1959 itself establishes the relationship of loyalty and obligation between the Undang and the Yang di-Pertuan Besar — a relationship the Undang’s boycott of the DUN openly and publicly repudiated.

Is Boycotting a Royal Ceremony Derhaka?

This is where the legal picture becomes genuinely complex.

The Undang would argue — and their lawyers have argued — that they were exercising a legitimate constitutional power under Article X of the Negeri Sembilan Constitution. Under this argument, their absence from the DUN was not derhaka but a principled assertion of their constitutional authority.

The counter-argument is equally powerful. Former Court of Appeal judge Datuk Seri Mohd Hishamudin Yunus, writing in The Edge on 23 April 2026, identified three grounds on which the declaration was constitutionally invalid: no due process, a biased participant, and the absence of the Menteri Besar’s signature. If the declaration was invalid — and the weight of legal opinion holds that it was — then the Undang were not exercising a legitimate constitutional power. They were simply refusing to attend a royal ceremony while publicly claiming to have removed the ruler who presided over it.

That, Kalimullah suggested, looks very much like derhaka.

The Sedition Question Revisited

No charges have been filed. But the legal questions raised by the events of April 2026 have not gone away.

The declaration of 19 April — made on Facebook Live without naming a single specific offence against Tuanku Muhriz, without the Menteri Besar’s signature, without gazettal, and by a man who had already been stripped of his authority — sits in a legal grey zone that Malaysian authorities have not yet chosen to act upon.

The boycott of the DUN opening sits in a similar grey zone. It is not technically illegal to absent yourself from a royal ceremony. But when that absence is accompanied by a public declaration that the ruler presiding over the ceremony has already been removed — a declaration that the state government has rejected as having no legal standing — the line between political protest and institutional derhaka becomes very thin indeed.

Malik Imtiaz Sarwar noted in FMT that the Federal Court, in Dhinesh Tanaphll v Lembaga Pencegahan Jenayah & Ors (2022), affirmed that the Malay Rulers’ functions are “central and fundamental to the peace and stability of the nation” and that they must be allowed to fulfil their role without undue obstruction. A coordinated boycott of a constitutional ceremony by the very chiefs who elected the ruler could — depending on how a court interpreted it — constitute exactly such obstruction.

Why No Charges Have Been Filed

The absence of any sedition or criminal charges in connection with the April 19 declaration or the April 23 boycott is itself significant — and likely deliberate.

Charging traditional chiefs under the Sedition Act or the Penal Code would be constitutionally explosive. It would elevate a state-level dispute into a national constitutional crisis of a different order entirely. It would make martyrs of the Undang and potentially generate sympathy, especially among those who believe they had genuine grievances.

The government’s strategy appears to be one of deliberate suffocation rather than confrontation — treating the declaration as a legal nullity, proceeding with business as usual, and allowing the weight of legal opinion and public sentiment to do the work that criminal charges would be too politically costly to achieve.

Whether that strategy succeeds in resolving the crisis — or merely delays a reckoning — remains to be seen.

What the Empty Chairs Left Behind

Kalimullah Hassan described the empty chairs as “a burden of shame on those who chose to indignify the occasion.”

In Malay royal tradition, the act of publicly withdrawing from a ruler’s presence — of leaving his chair empty at the moment of his greatest ceremonial authority — carries a symbolic weight that no legal argument can fully capture. It is a statement. It is a gesture. And in a culture where form and ceremony carry as much meaning as substance, it is a statement that many Malaysians read as derhaka — whatever the law ultimately decides.

The crisis is ongoing. The declaration remains legally void. Tuanku Muhriz continues as the recognised Yang di-Pertuan Besar. The Undang continue to maintain their position.

And five chairs remain, in the memory of everyone who watched the Facebook livestream that morning, conspicuously, shamefully empty.

Sources:

• Kalimullah Hassan, Instagram, 23 April 2026: instagram.com/kalimullah

• Malik Imtiaz Sarwar, Free Malaysia Today, 23 April 2026: https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/23/why-negeri-sembilan-is-not-in-a-constitutional-crisis

• Datuk Seri Mohd Hishamudin Yunus, The Edge, 23 April 2026: https://theedgemalaysia.com/node/800970

• Malay Mail, 23 April 2026: https://www.malaymail.com/news/malaysia/2026/04/23/four-undangs-skip-negeri-sembilan-assembly-opening-as-royal-row-lingers/217334

• Sedition Act 1948, Section 3(1): https://www.agc.gov.my

• Penal Code, Chapter VII: https://www.agc.gov.my

• Negeri Sembilan Constitution 1959: https://www.agc.gov.my

Related Posts:

Anak Nogori's Substack

Could the Undang's Declaration Constitute Sedition?

Could the Undangs’ Declaration Constitute Sedition…

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a day ago · 1 like · Anak Nogori @ Negeri Sembilan

It was perhaps their most consequential miscalculation.

Within hours, millions of Malaysians had watched, shared, screenshotted and analysed a constitutional declaration that — in any previous era — would have been mediated through official channels, filtered by editors, and delivered to the public in carefully managed doses.

Instead, it went straight to WhatsApp, TikTok, Twitter and Instagram.

What followed was an extraordinary week of citizen journalism, constitutional education, political satire and raw public sentiment — much of it revealing things that mainstream media, constrained by the 3R rule and the sensitivities around royal matters, either could not or would not report.

Not all social media commentary was measured. Some posts crossed into territory that was explicitly religious and personal, making unverified allegations about the Ja'afar family's private lives. It is a reminder that the same unmediated environment that produced brilliant constitutional education and sharp political satire also produced content that no responsible editor would have allowed to print.

Freedom of information cuts both ways.

This is what social media revealed that mainstream media has not.

On Threads

[Translation: I grew up respecting the adat of Negeri Sembilan and the role of the Undang Yang Empat.

At the same time, I believe every major matter must go through the proper process — that is the foundation of trust and harmony.

I also know this royal family personally. They are good people, with the heart of the rakyat.

For me, this is not about choosing sides, but standing on principle with respect and decorum.

May the Yang di-Pertuan Besar of Negeri Sembilan be blessed.”]

[Translation: @hyeshafiq:

“Tuanku Muhriz remains as Yamtuan Besar of Negeri Sembilan.

Why he remains, among the reasons:

1. He is strong in terms of adat lineage and heritage
2. There are differences in interpretation/decisions among the Undang without the consent of the Ibu Soko (which can be contested)
3. Tuanku Muhriz still receives support from other adat structures such as the Ibu Soko — so the Undang’s power is not an absolute veto
4. The State Constitution as upheld by the Menteri Besar — not adat — determines that Tuanku Muhriz is still the legitimate Yamtuan Besar!”

@food1001art (reply):

“Daulat Tuanku, may ALLAH continue to bless the reign of Tunku Muhriz and continue to extend the period of Tuanku’s reign. Amen.”]

[Translation: "Daulat Tuanku.. We the people of Negeri Sembilan love Tuanku Muhriz.. May Allah protect Tuanku from all evil and may he continue to reign.. Aamiin Allahumma Aamiin.."]

[Translation: @fakhrulmfrar:

“Even though I’m a Negeri Sembilan person without a clan (tak bersuku), I still want to praise Tuanku Muhriz’s family. In the current turmoil, we don’t hear any inappropriate statements at all from them. Even the princes all have their own aura but none of them want to cling on or overreach. Tunku Ali and Tunku Zain are truly my idols. I may be biased but personally, this is the most admired royal family besides Sultan Nazrin’s family.”

@arimohdali (reply):

“They are on a completely different level. This is what a royal family full of humility and dignity should look like. Tuanku Muhriz’s family knows what it means to be royal and to rise above it all. Religious education and high level education are important. It is not just rank that dictates respect. Daulat Tuanku ❤️🙏”]

[Translation: “As an outsider, I am somewhat amazed by the people of N9. In the turmoil involving the Yamtuan and the Undang, the majority of N9 people on social media are voicing their support for Yamtuan Tunku Muhriz. A majority that seems to be unanimous. Interesting. It seems that Yamtuan Tunku Muhriz is a ruler who is cherished by the rakyat. There are those who try to insert needles for the other side but the voice of the rakyat remains the same. May all be well for Negeri Sembilan.”]

[Translation: "Tunku Zain really cares about autism kids — he even opened an IDEAS autism centre for those special kids. Not everyone understands those kids' needs, but for someone who isn't even married yet, that's quite remarkable."]

[Translation: “I support 100%.

The Royal Family of Negeri Sembilan today is truly among the best and most caring towards the rakyat. I myself have been through the most anxious moments of my life. If not for the help of DYMM Tuanku, I feel my whole family would have lost our way.

Alhamdulillah, Tuanku Ampuan was willing to help even though we are not from among their circle. That service and care I will remember forever.”]

[Translation: @aazrel._:

“When I was studying in Serting back in 2018–2020, what I noticed was that every Friday, Tuanku Muhriz and Tunku Ali would always come to perform prayers together at Masjid Tuanku Muhriz. Their personality is very humble and very close to the rakyat. After finishing the doa, we all lined up, shook hands and received duit raya.

Humble royal family.”

@nooranis31 (reply):

“The most humble royals I have ever met. I feel like Tunku Ali loves kids. He entertains all the kids who want to take photos with him. Please don’t change them. #waghih”]

[Translation: "He's a totally fine person if you ask to take a photo with him.. The photo with Tunku Ali was the first time I met Tunku.. At that time there was a run at Springhill, Tuanku was there as a VVIP guest.. The photo with Tunku Zain was taken 2 years ago during the National Sports Day at state level in Bandar Seri Sendayan.. Both Tunku's faces are always smiling, love seeing them.. And I love seeing Tunku Ali post on his IG story every time he performs Friday prayers.. There's always a photo of Tunku's socks.."]

[Translation: “I have run with Tunku Ali and Tunku Zain (Seri Menanti run) and I have also run with Tuanku Ja’afar’s grandchildren (I don’t know their names) (Seremban half run last year).. Very different vibe running with Tunku Ali compared to running with Tuanku Ja’afar’s grandchildren.. Tunku Ali even while running can still smile and greet the people around him.

How nice that Tunku Ali mingles with his rakyat while running, but Tuanku Ja’afar’s grandchildren were really arrogant.. Serious faces the whole run, didn’t even want to smile or greet anyone around them.. And it was only a 5km run too..”]

[Translation: "Yes indeed. The people of N9 have already experienced and dealt with both clans. Sensible Malay Muslims will definitely not accept if their leaders, let alone their rulers, are people who don't live like Muslims.. rulers are already the head of Islam for the people.. they must find someone fit for the role.. so those who drink alcohol like drinking plain water, Carlsberg fans and BOD (Board of Directors — implying corporate party lifestyle), those who celebrate Christmas, those whose wives, children, grandchildren and great-grandchildren wear bikinis and such — get lost.. you are not welcome.."]

[Translation: “As a Nogorian we don’t want J clan to become YDP, please keep Tuanku Muhriz!!!! 💯 support Tuanku Muhriz”]

[Translation: "Tuanku Muhriz has set a very high standard for the future Yang di-Pertuan Besar of N9. Knowledgeable and of good character. Not the party-going type like before."]

[Translation: "I give my support after following and reading about Tunku Muhriz, especially when YAM looked after his special needs child. He was never embarrassed and never tried to hide it."]

[Translation: @danialfd84

“This morning I followed the live broadcast of the Royal Address at the Opening of the Negeri Sembilan State Assembly. I am sure many noticed that DYMM Yang di-Pertuan Besar Tuanku Muhriz delivered his address with composure. There was absolutely no sign of him feeling disturbed or anxious, even though everyone knows a crisis is happening. The address was delivered clearly, smoothly and in an orderly manner. Occasionally he stopped to take a sip of water due to a cough.

In a crisis, whoever stays calm, wins.”

@serinarezwan (reply): "Aamiin Aamiin Aamiin 🌹 Daulat Tuanku"]

[Translation: @airisdlike:

“The current YDP Besar of N9 is already very OK, this moment has passed, Tuanku Muhriz was already tired from entertaining the rakyat who came to visit during Raya. Tunku Ali quickly stepped forward to entertain the children who wanted photos.. We love Tuanku Muhriz and his children...”

[Photo: Tunku Ali Redhauddin taking a photo with two young girls in baju kurung at a Raya open house]

@hidayah_latip:

“Don’t know him . But the expression on his face is very different from the other clan. May the lineage of Tuanku Muhriz be protected from people with evil intentions.”]

[Translation: @izzatiamyra:

“Previously organised a programme at UKM and invited Tunku Zain of N9 to officially open the programme.

He shared that every Friday he is obliged to return to the palace because his father instructs him to accompany the congregation at mosques around Negeri Sembilan. No matter where he is, every Friday he must return to the palace 😂

It is indeed true because every Friday you will inevitably encounter the N9 Royal entourage going to or returning from the mosque for Friday prayers 😅

May this continue forever. We love our Yamtuan 🥹”

@lelaki.ikhlas (reply):

“Tuanku Muhriz once had a special needs child and Tuanku was never ashamed of having a special needs child.”]

[Translation: "Please keep Tuanku Muhriz. I once read somewhere — I don't remember where — the story of the battle for the YDBN9 throne. The appointment of Tuanku Ja'afar was only temporary because at the time Tuanku Muhriz was still young and not capable of ruling. After Tuanku Muhriz became an adult, TJ did not want to step down to TM and TM did not say anything until TJ passed away. Now TJ's children want the throne but following their original lineage they are simply not eligible. Only TM and his lineage are eligible.]

On Twitter

On TikTok

This is a brilliant Nogori dialect meme mocking the four Undang. Four men sitting in a hole in the ground (symbolising they’ve dug their own grave). Here’s the translation:

Top left: “My house is ready, come visit for Raya”

Top middle: “I was fired last year, can I fire someone else today?”

Top right: “Help me lah... not official anymore”

Bottom left: “Come join my project, I have a lot of land”

Bottom right: “I already did it myself. But my name isn’t in the gazette anymore”

The caption below: “Extraordinary today — 3 Undang + 1 ‘not yet official Undang’ suddenly become judges, jury and drama directors. Even the script looks like it was written last minute. Want to fire Tuanku apparently... but their own status isn’t even clear yet. Is this an adat decision or a kedai kopi chat?

Just one day of ‘investigation’ and straight away want to fire? Since when did a process this big become express work? Who is actually legitimate? The one not yet gazetted also dares to join a major decision — is this legit or just feeling legit?

Why not bring it to a full session? Scared to be debated or already know it won’t pass? Was there even a quorum? Or just counting ‘roughly feels enough’ according to their own appetite?

The funniest part — the one not yet gazetted was there too. Like someone who just got a microphone and immediately thinks they’ve become the lead singer. The ‘half-cooked’ one was loud — foundation not even solid yet but carrying themselves like a veteran.

This is not an adat meeting — this is an audition for ‘Who Is Most Confident Despite Being Unqualified’ 😂

A major decision made like acting out a role, writing their own script, approving it themselves, announcing it themselves.

If adat can be done like this, don’t be surprised if outsiders watch and laugh. This is not defending adat — this is embarrassing adat.”

Breaking it down:

Each speech bubble targets a specific Undang:

• “Can I fire someone else?” — Mubarak, who was himself fired but then tried to fire the Ruler

• “Not official anymore” — again Mubarak, stripped of his position

• “I have a lot of land / join my project” — clearly aimed at the Undang of Jelebu and the NREE mining scandal

• “Not in the gazette” — mocking that the declaration was never gazetted and is legally void

The account name “Waghih Ghombau” is pure Nogori dialect for “Waris Rembau” (Heirs of Rembau) — suggesting this is coming from within the Rembau community, which is particularly pointed since the Undang of Rembau is one of the four who signed the declaration.

Many posts on his TikTok account: https://www.tiktok.com/@waghihghombau.expose

On Instagram

Source: @satriawiran9

[Translation: PROCESS UNDER THE NEGERI SEMBILAN CONSTITUTION

Header dialogue:

• “Can the Undang sack the Yamtuan?”

• “Yes, but there is a process under the State Constitution.”

The 5-step process:

1. Consideration by the Undang

2. Full and Complete Investigation

3. Serious Defect of the Yamtuan

4. Signed by the Undang AND Menteri Besar

5. Gazetted and Comes into Force

“Only if ALL conditions are fulfilled, can it be gazetted.”

Panel 1 — IT MUST BE CONSIDERED AND DETERMINED ❌ NO “No valid and proper consideration was made.”

Panel 2 — THERE MUST BE A FULL AND COMPLETE INVESTIGATION ❌ NO “No full and complete investigation was conducted. Evidence was ignored.” (Shows: Evidence Accepted vs Evidence Ignored)

Panel 3 — SERIOUS DEFECT OF THE YAMTUAN ❌ NO The allegations listed are merely:

• Personal opinion

• Disagreement

• Politics

• Rumour

• Criticism

“No serious defect as required.”

Panel 4 — MUST BE SIGNED BY THE UNDANG AND MENTERI BESAR ❌ NO “The Menteri Besar did not sign the document.”

Panel 5 — CONCLUSION ❌ NO

• No valid consideration

• No full investigation

• No serious defect

• Menteri Besar did not sign

• No genuine agreement

Therefore, NOT VALID to sack the Yamtuan! “Process is invalid. The decision is invalid in law.”

Panel 6 — SUNGEI UJONG IS ITSELF INVALID “First of all, Sungei Ujong itself is INVALID”

Shows a vote: TIDAK (No) x5, YA (Yes) x1 “His own people say NO” “Sungei Ujong did not receive legitimacy from its own people. The decision is invalid.”

Bottom right: ❌ TIDAK SAH! (INVALID!)]

[Translation: “ATTENTION MALAYSIANS‼️

The throne is not a chess piece. The ruler is not to be toppled at will. If you wish to touch the royal institution, follow the Constitution and the law.

Do not be disloyal to the Raja. Do not betray the people, the state and the nation.

Whoever bypasses the process, manipulates and abuses power is tarnishing the dignity of Negeri Sembilan.

The people are watching. The people are judging.

Daulat Tuanku. Do not be disloyal. Truth remains truth.

If you agree, please LIKE, SHARE and SPREAD to friends who want to defend the royal institution, uphold the sovereignty of the nation’s laws and preserve our hereditary customs.”]

Summary

This article is not a comprehensive account of everything social media produced during the Negeri Sembilan royal crisis — that would be impossible. New posts, threads and infographics were appearing faster than any single person could document. What it is, instead, is a snapshot: a selection of the posts, comments and images that captured something real about how Malaysians felt, thought and responded in real time.

None of the social media posts cited here constitute verified fact. They are expressions of public sentiment — personal memories, emotional responses, historical interpretations and political opinions. But sentiment is itself a form of evidence. When a student remembers lining up for duit raya from Tuanku Muhriz after Friday prayers. When a stranger prays for a ruler’s protection. When hundreds line up to shake a hand. When someone says simply “please don’t change them” — that tells you something that no constitutional analysis can.

Mainstream media is telling us what has happened. Social media is telling us what it really means. Both matter. But in this crisis, it is ordinary Malaysians on Threads, on Twitter, on WhatsApp, on TikTok who are writing the first draft of history. And that draft is overwhelmingly, unmistakably, one thing: a people who know their ruler, trust their ruler, and are not willing to let him go without a fight.

Related Posts

By the time mainstream media had begun reporting, the declaration had already spread across WhatsApp groups, Twitter threads, TikTok videos, and Instagram stories — reaching hundreds of thousands of Malaysians who would never normally follow the intricacies of state constitutional law.

The Negeri Sembilan royal crisis of 2026 is the first Malaysian royal crisis of the social media age. And it has played out in ways that would have been unimaginable even a decade ago.

How Did the Story Break?

The declaration was not announced to journalists in advance. There was no press embargo, no official media advisory, no prepared briefing pack. The Undang simply went live on the official Luak Sungei Ujong Facebook page at around 6:15pm on a Sunday evening.

Within hours, the video had been clipped, shared, screenshotted and discussed across every major Malaysian social media platform. By the time the Menteri Besar issued his response in the early hours of Monday morning, millions of Malaysians already had an opinion.

This sequence matters. In previous eras, a constitutional declaration of this kind would have been mediated through official channels — government statements, mainstream newspapers, formal press conferences. The public would have received a curated, filtered version of events. Instead, they received the raw, unmediated declaration in real time.

What Role Did Twitter and Threads Play?

Twitter — now rebranded as X — became the primary arena for public debate about the crisis in the days that followed. Several dynamics emerged:

The legal explainer wave. Within 24 hours, multiple accounts — lawyers, academics, journalists and ordinary Malaysians — had begun posting detailed threads explaining Article X of the Negeri Sembilan Constitution, the role of the Ibu Soko, the requirements for a valid proclamation and the history of the 2008 succession. Constitutional law, normally the province of law journals and academic conferences, became viral content.

The meme war. Alongside the serious legal analysis, a parallel war of memes, wordplay and satire erupted. The hashtag #UndangDiSebalikBatu — a brilliant play on the Malay idiom “ada udang di sebalik batu” (there’s a prawn behind the rock), swapping “udang” for “Undang” — became one of the most-used hashtags of the crisis. Lego-style infographics explaining constitutional law in simple visual terms attracted hundreds of thousands of views.

(Source: https://www.instagram.com/satriawiran9/)

The Nogori dialect moment. Journalist Aidila Razak’s tweet quoting her aunt’s verdict — “Gilo koso” (mad with power, in Negeri Sembilan dialect) — became one of the most-liked posts of the crisis, capturing in two words what thousands of column inches struggled to express.

What Did TikTok Contribute?

TikTok played a different but equally important role. While Twitter skewed toward analysis and debate, TikTok became the platform for creative content — AI-generated Lego videos of the DUN assembly with empty seats labelled “Pengabaian Tugas” (Neglect of Duty), satirical animations, and explainer videos narrated in Nogori dialect.

Accounts like @waghihghombau.expose built significant followings almost overnight by combining adat knowledge with sharp political commentary.

These accounts reached audiences — particularly younger Malaysians — who would never have engaged with a constitutional law article, but would watch a reel about the corruption allegations against the Undang of Jelebu or read a Lego graphic explaining why the declaration was invalid and came away with a clearer understanding of Article X than most mainstream news reports provided.

What Role Did WhatsApp Play?

WhatsApp — Malaysia’s dominant messaging platform — was where the crisis became truly national. The NREE Holdings SSM documents, the Balai Undang authorization letter for rare earth mining, the 33 charges against Mubarak, the infographics on the Ibu Soko’s role — all circulated primarily through WhatsApp groups before they appeared anywhere in mainstream media.

This created a two-tier information ecosystem. Malaysians who were part of active political or news WhatsApp groups received detailed, document-heavy information about the crisis within hours of its becoming public. Those who were not received only what mainstream media chose to report — which, given the 3R sensitivities around royal matters, was significantly more cautious and less detailed.

How Did Mainstream Media Cover the Crisis?

Malaysian mainstream media faced a difficult balancing act. The 3R rule — the informal but powerful convention that Race, Religion and Royalty are topics requiring extreme caution — created significant constraints on how far journalists could go.

Most mainstream outlets reported the facts — the declaration, the MB’s rejection, the legal opinions — but stopped well short of the kind of investigative reporting the crisis warranted. The NREE Holdings story, for instance, was widely circulated on social media but received almost no mainstream coverage. The question of why the Undang refused to name any specific misconduct was raised but rarely pressed.

Social media, operating outside these constraints, filled the gap. This is not without risk — claims about the Ja’afar family’s lifestyle circulated alongside genuine constitutional analysis, and it was often left to individual readers to distinguish between them.

What Does This Tell Us About Information in a Royal Crisis?

The 2026 Negeri Sembilan crisis reveals several important truths about how information flows in the social media age:

Speed has changed everything. By the time official responses were formulated, public opinion had already formed. The Undang’s failure to name specific misconduct — which in a pre-social media era might have gone unnoticed or unreported — became immediately apparent to millions of people who watched the Facebook Live and asked the obvious question: what exactly did he do wrong?

Expertise is democratised. Constitutional law, adat knowledge and legal analysis that would previously have been confined to law firms, universities and government offices became publicly accessible through social media threads and TikTok videos. An ordinary Malaysian with no legal training could, within 24 hours of the declaration, understand exactly why it was constitutionally invalid.

Satire is a serious tool. The memes, wordplay and Lego infographics that proliferated around this crisis were not just entertainment. They distilled complex constitutional arguments into accessible, shareable formats that reached audiences far beyond those who would read a legal opinion. #UndangDiSebalikBatu communicated a sophisticated argument — that the Undang had hidden motives — in three words and a rock emoji.

The 3R constraint is weakening. Social media has created space for Malaysians to discuss royal matters with a frankness that would have been unthinkable in previous generations. This is not necessarily disrespectful — much of the most viral content was firmly pro-Muhriz and deeply respectful of the royal institution. But the days when a constitutional crisis involving a state ruler could be managed through carefully worded official statements and compliant mainstream media appear to be over.

What Are the Risks?

The democratisation of information around this crisis has not been without costs.

Claims about the private lives of members of the Ja’afar family spread rapidly, with little ability for those targeted to respond. The line between legitimate public interest reporting and intrusive personal attack was frequently blurred.

The speed of social media also meant that nuance was often lost. The legal picture is genuinely complex — former Menteri Besar Rais Yatim’s argument that the Undang do have a legitimate constitutional power is not frivolous, even if the majority of legal opinion disagrees with him. Social media tends to flatten such complexity into binary narratives.

And the risk of manipulation is real. In an information war of this intensity, both sides have motivation to plant stories, amplify favourable narratives and suppress unfavourable ones. Documents can be forged. Screenshots can be taken out of context.

What Is the Legacy?

Whatever the ultimate resolution of the Negeri Sembilan royal crisis, it has already changed something permanent about how Malaysians engage with their constitutional system.

Millions of people who had never heard of Adat Perpatih, the Ibu Soko, or Article X of the Negeri Sembilan Constitution 1959 now have at least a basic understanding of how power works in the state. The phrase “gilo koso” has entered the national conversation as shorthand for the abuse of traditional authority. The hashtag #UndangDiSebalikBatu has given Malaysians a shared vocabulary for describing self-interested manipulation dressed up as tradition.

The Undang chose Facebook Live as their medium. In doing so, they surrendered control of the narrative to a public that was watching, analysing, fact-checking, satirising and sharing in real time.

That may prove to have been their most consequential miscalculation of all.

Sources:

• On the Facebook Live declaration: https://www.thestar.com.my/news/nation/2026/04/22/tuanku-muhriz-to-open-negri-sembilan-assembly-despite-ouster-attempt

• Aidila Razak tweet: https://twitter.com/aidilarazak

• On social media and the 3R rule: https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/bahasa/tempatan/2026/04/20/polis-beri-amaran-jangan-sentuh-3r-dalam-isu-pemerintahan-n-sembilan

• https://www.malaysiakini.com/news/773373

• NREE Holdings SSM documents: https://einfo.ssm.com.my

• The Vibes on tradition vs modernity: https://www.thevibes.com/articles/opinion/122189/is-negeri-sembilans-future-being-held-hostage

• Malik Imtiaz Sarwar, FMT: https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/23/why-negeri-sembilan-is-not-in-a-constitutional-crisis

• Datuk Seri Mohd Hishamudin Yunus, The Edge: https://theedgemalaysia.com/node/800970

• On public sentiment and social media: https://www.malaymail.com/news/malaysia/2026/04/23/four-undangs-skip-negeri-sembilan-assembly-opening-as-royal-row-lingers/217334

Not in the Facebook Live declaration. Not in any subsequent press statement. Not in any interview. Not in any legal filing.

In a crisis of this magnitude, that silence is not just notable. It is arguably the most important fact of the entire affair.

What Did the Undang Actually Say?

When Mubarak bin Dohak and the three other Undang made their declaration at the Balai Undang Luak Sungei Ujong on the evening of 19 April 2026, they cited Article 10(1)(b) of the Negeri Sembilan Constitution 1959 as their constitutional basis.

Article 10(1)(b) covers conduct “detrimental to the sanctity, honour and dignity” of the position of Yang di-Pertuan Besar.

That is the entirety of what they said about Tuanku Muhriz’s alleged misconduct. A constitutional provision. No facts. No specifics. No evidence. No named witnesses. No documented incidents.

Reports at the time confirmed: “They claimed the decision was made due to alleged misconduct on the part of the state ruler. They did not elaborate.”

What Does the Constitution Require?

Here is why the silence is not just politically suspicious, it is constitutionally fatal.

Senior constitutional lawyer Malik Imtiaz Sarwar, writing in Free Malaysia Today on 23 April 2026, identified the mandatory requirements of Article X clearly. Before the Undang can even call upon the Yang di-Pertuan Besar to withdraw or abdicate, they must conduct “a full and complete enquiry.” They must notify the ruler of “the specific allegations and their factual basis.” They must give him “a right to be heard.”

Former Court of Appeal judge Datuk Seri Mohd Hishamudin Yunus, himself an anak Negeri Sembilan, was equally clear in The Edge on the same date: “I am not privy as to the nature of the allegations against His Highness; nor am I privy as to whether there has been a full and complete enquiry.”

Neither was anyone else. Because no one was told.

What Are the Possible Explanations for the Silence?

There are only three logical explanations for why the Undang refused to state publicly what Tuanku Muhriz allegedly did wrong.

Explanation One: The misconduct exists but is too sensitive to state publicly. This is the most charitable interpretation — that there is genuine wrongdoing that the Undang felt could not be aired in public without causing greater damage to the royal institution. However, this explanation collapses under scrutiny. If the misconduct was serious enough to justify removing a sitting ruler, it was serious enough to document in a formal enquiry — which Article X requires. And if a formal enquiry was conducted, its findings would need to be communicated to the ruler himself as part of his right to be heard. None of this happened.

Explanation Two: The misconduct exists but is too weak to withstand public scrutiny. The allegations may amount to personal grievances, political disagreements, or disputes over privileges and benefits — the kind of thing that looks petty and self-serving when stated plainly. The Twitter claim that the Undang were pushing for more Datukship quotas and were refused fits this explanation. So does the mining company controversy involving the Undang of Jelebu. If the real reasons were this mundane, stating them publicly would have destroyed the Undang’s credibility instantly.

Explanation Three: There is no specific misconduct at all. The declaration was not about Tuanku Muhriz’s conduct. It was about the throne — specifically, returning it to the Ja’afar family after 18 years. The “misconduct” framing was the constitutional mechanism chosen to achieve this goal, not the genuine reason for it. This is the explanation most consistent with the timing — the declaration came just two days after Mubarak was stripped of his own position, suggesting retaliation rather than a principled constitutional act.

What Does Tuanku Muhriz’s Own Record Show?

The silence on his alleged misconduct becomes even more striking when set against his actual public record.

In January 2026 — just three months before the crisis — Tuanku Muhriz delivered a speech that Berita Harian reported under the headline: “Tuanku Muhriz disappointed there are parties giving support to individuals convicted of corruption.” He stated: “I am very shocked and disappointed when there are still parties who continue to give support to individuals convicted of very serious corruption charges, as if such actions can be accepted and forgiven.”

This is not the language of a ruler whose own conduct is indefensible. This is the language of someone who believes deeply in accountability — and who is willing to say so publicly, even when it is politically uncomfortable.

What Do Legal Experts Conclude?

The conclusion from the legal community has been consistent and clear.

Malik Imtiaz Sarwar: “There is in reality no constitutional crisis in Negeri Sembilan.” The pre-conditions of Article X were simply not met.

Datuk Seri Mohd Hishamudin Yunus: The proclamation is invalid on three separate grounds, one of which is that “there had been no due process carried out.”

Neither lawyer was able to identify a single specific offence alleged against Tuanku Muhriz — because none was ever stated.

What Does the Silence Tell Us?

In law, the burden of proof lies with those making the allegation. The Undang made an allegation of misconduct serious enough to justify removing a sitting constitutional ruler. They provided no evidence, no specifics, and no opportunity for the accused to respond.

In adat, the principle of muafakat — consensus built through open and honest deliberation — is foundational. A declaration made without stating the reasons is not muafakat. It is unilateral action dressed in the language of tradition.

In politics, when someone accuses another person of wrongdoing but refuses to say what that wrongdoing is, there is usually a reason. And that reason is rarely favourable to the accuser.

The silence on Tuanku Muhriz’s alleged misconduct has not established any wrongdoing. What it does prove — beyond any reasonable doubt — is that the constitutional process required to remove him was not followed. And without that process, the declaration is, in the words of a former Court of Appeal judge, “legally unenforceable.”

Sometimes, what is not said tells you everything you need to know.

Related Posts

Sources:

• Malik Imtiaz Sarwar, FMT, 23 April 2026: https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/23/why-negeri-sembilan-is-not-in-a-constitutional-crisis

• Datuk Seri Mohd Hishamudin Yunus, The Edge, 23 April 2026: https://theedgemalaysia.com/node/800970

• https://www.thestar.com.my/news/nation/2026/04/22/tuanku-muhriz-to-open-negri-sembilan-assembly-despite-ouster-attempt

• Tuanku Muhriz anti-corruption speech: https://www.bharian.com.my/berita/nasional/2026/01/tuanku-muhriz-kecewa

• https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/nation/2026/04/20/state-govt-does-not-recognise-declaration-to-depose-negeri-sembilan-ruler-says-mb

That, more than any constitutional argument, may be why the rakyat have shown up the way they have.

Tuanku Muhriz ibni Almarhum Tuanku Munawir

Tuanku Muhriz ibni Almarhum Tuanku Munawir was nineteen years old when his father, the ninth Yang di-Pertuan Besar, died in 1967. Under the order of succession set out in the state constitution, he was the rightful heir. But the four Undang of that era declined to appoint him, citing his youth, and chose his half-uncle Tuanku Ja’afar instead.

He retained the title of Tunku Besar of Seri Menanti — heir presumptive — from 1961 right through to 2008, and over those four decades he stayed engaged in the ceremonial and advisory life of the state. He read law at the University of Wales, Aberystwyth. He worked in banking and later in foreign-exchange brokerage. He raised three sons with his wife, the Terengganu princess Tengku Aishah Rohani. And quietly, persistently, across forty-one years, he built and maintained ties with the Undang Yang Empat, the lesser royalty, the nobility, and the people of Negeri Sembilan. As his Wikipedia entry — citing supporters speaking on the record — puts it: “Throughout his life Tuanku Muhriz established and maintained strong ties with the Undangs, the general nobility, the lesser royalty and people of Negeri Sembilan.”

When Tuanku Ja’afar died in December 2008, that long-cultivated standing mattered. Tuanku Ja’afar’s son Tunku Naquiyuddin had served as Regent during his father’s term as Yang di-Pertuan Agong, and many assumed the throne would pass to him. By multiple accounts, the Ja’afar camp had powerful political backers and had expected this outcome. But when the four Undang of 2008 met to choose, they championed Tuanku Muhriz. They refused to budge when pressed to consider Tunku Naquiyuddin instead. Tuanku Ja’afar’s family, it has been reported, were “completely devastated” by the decision.

On 29 December 2008, two days after Tuanku Ja’afar’s death, the Council of Undang proclaimed Tuanku Muhriz the eleventh Yang di-Pertuan Besar of Negeri Sembilan.

The Undang Yang Empat of 2008 — the four chiefs of that day — chose Tuanku Muhriz freely, against significant political pressure, because they had spent decades watching him and judged him fit to wear the crown. They were the constitutional body whose sole purpose, under adat perpatih, is to weigh exactly this kind of question. They answered it, in his favour, by consensus.

Tuanku Aishah Rohani

Tuanku Aishah Rohani was born Tengku Aishah Rohani binti Tengku Besar Mahmud on 19 June 1952 in Batu Gajah, Perak, into Terengganu royalty — granddaughter of Sultan Zainal Abidin III, niece to three subsequent Sultans of Terengganu including the fourth Yang di-Pertuan Agong, and aunt to the current Sultan of Terengganu, Sultan Mizan Zainal Abidin, who served as the thirteenth Yang di-Pertuan Agong.

Before any of this, she was a bank clerk. Tunku Muhriz, then a junior administrative officer at Bank Rakyat, met his future wife at the bank where they both worked. They were engaged at Istana Terengganu in Kuala Lumpur on 16 February 1973, and married at Istana Maziah in Kuala Terengganu on 25 April 1974.

When Tunku Alif was born in 1984 with a vitamin K deficiency that had injured his brain, she went and got the training on how to care for him herself. According to the official profile published by Universiti Sains Islam Malaysia — where she now serves as Chancellor — Tuanku Aishah Rohani travelled to the Institute for the Achievement of Human Potential in Pennsylvania to undertake a course on the development of children’s minds, specifically the cognitive development of children with severe disabilities. She came home and ran the programme for her son herself, with volunteers — aunts, uncles, family friends — coming three times a week. The “patterning” sessions, the inclined-plane drills, the night routines with the breathing-regulation machine.

That training has shaped her public role too. She is Royal Patron of the Inner Wheel Club of Kuala Lumpur and of Persatuan Kebajikan Isteri-Isteri Wakil Rakyat Negeri Sembilan. As the USIM profile puts it: “Despite carrying a royal title, Her Royal Highness does not restrict her movement in her contributions toward the community. She often visits the welfare homes and hospitals.”

She was installed Tunku Ampuan Besar on 14 April 2009 — by old Negeri Sembilan custom, the consort’s installation precedes the Ruler’s. She has been Chancellor of Universiti Sains Islam Malaysia since December 2011, only the second person to hold the role.

Two institutions in Malaysia carry her name. Hospital Tunku Ampuan Besar Tuanku Aishah Rohani — Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia’s paediatric specialist hospital in Cheras — sits literally next door to Hospital Canselor Tuanku Muhriz, the hospital named for her husband. Sekolah Menengah Sains Tuanku Aishah Rohani, an all-girls science school in Seremban, was renamed in her honour on 12 March 2019.

Tunku Ali Redhauddin

Tunku Ali Redhauddin, born 26 April 1977, is the eldest son and the Tunku Besar of Seri Menanti — the heir-apparent title in Negeri Sembilan, formally proclaimed on 22 February 2009 when his father ascended the throne.

But the title is, in some ways, the least interesting line on his CV.

He was educated at Marlborough College, Wiltshire, then read History, Social Sciences and Politics at the University of Cambridge on a Sime Darby/Cambridge Commonwealth Trust Fellowship. He later took a Master’s in Public Administration at Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government. He is an Honorary Bencher of the Inner Temple in London. The World Economic Forum named him a Young Global Leader in 2013.

His career began at McKinsey & Company, where he advised governments and corporations from the firm’s London, Hong Kong, and Singapore offices. From 2004 to 2010 he was Director of Investments at Khazanah Nasional, Malaysia’s sovereign wealth fund. He is currently Senior Advisor to TPG Capital, the global private equity firm, with board seats at TPG portfolio companies including Pathology Asia and Asia OneHealthcare (the former Columbia Asia hospital group).

In Malaysia, he chairs Astro Malaysia Holdings Berhad, Taliworks Corporation Berhad, and Cement Industries of Malaysia Berhad. He sits on the boards of Bangkok Bank Berhad and Mr DIY. In 2024 he was appointed chairman of three specialist hospitals — Cardiac Vascular Sentral Kuala Lumpur, Hospital Picaso, and the Northern Heart Hospital in Penang. He is also a Partner at Vynn Capital, an early-stage venture firm. He is Pro-Chancellor of Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, and chairs the boards of Asia Pacific University, the International Medical University, and Marlborough College Malaysia. He holds the rank of Brigadier General in the Malaysian Territorial Army.

Unlike many Malay royals, this is not a man who lives off his royal privileges. This prince earns his keep and makes significant contributions to society. The Star has profiled him twice in two years under headlines reading “A Philanthropic Royal Family” and “Warm and Down-to-Earth Royal Family.”

Tunku Zain Al-’Abidin

If Tunku Ali represents the corporate face of the family, his younger brother Tunku Zain Al-’Abidin represents its intellectual one.

Born 6 July 1982, Tunku Zain was educated at Marlborough College and the London School of Economics, where he earned a BSc in Government and Sociology and an MSc in Comparative Politics and Imperial History. His early career took him through the British Houses of Parliament, several London think tanks, and a spell as a public-sector consultant at the World Bank in Washington, D.C.

In 2006, while still in London, he co-founded what became the Institute for Democracy and Economic Affairs (IDEAS) — today one of the most influential public-policy think tanks in Southeast Asia. Anchored in the values of Tunku Abdul Rahman, Malaysia’s first Prime Minister, IDEAS has under his presidency contributed to parliamentary development and education reform, and helped reopen public space for serious policy debate in a country that had not always made room for it. He also worked at the United Nations Development Programme in Kuala Lumpur after returning to Malaysia in 2008, and was a research fellow at the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy at the National University of Singapore.

He has written a weekly opinion column since 2008, currently appearing under the title #abidinideas in The Star, Sin Chew Daily, and Borneo Post. His earlier column, Abiding Times, ran for years and was compiled into three books. He is an LSE-trained political scientist who has, for nearly two decades, written publicly about parliamentary reform, classical liberalism, public policy, and — repeatedly — the Malaysian constitutional monarchy itself.

That last point is worth pausing on.

The family the Undang Yang Empat propose to depose under the banner of adat and tradition includes a member who has spent his entire adult life thinking and writing about exactly that: what adat means, what constitutional monarchy in Malaysia is for, and how the two fit together. The irony is sharp.

Sharper still is the matter of the state anthem.

In 2010, Tunku Zain led the project to restore Berkatlah Yang DiPertuan Besar Negeri Sembilan — the state anthem of Negeri Sembilan. Working with music teacher Chong Yew Boon and composer Johari Salleh, he developed multiple arrangements for orchestra, school choir, and military band, with the stated goal of preserving the anthem’s original melody and lyrics while inspiring fresh respect for it among younger Malaysians. The anthem’s title translates roughly as “Bless the Yang di-Pertuan Besar of Negeri Sembilan.” The man who restored it for the next generation is the second son of the Yang di-Pertuan Besar whom four chiefs have now declared deposed.

He is also Chancellor of UCSI University, royal patron of the Hands Percussion ensemble, president of the Negeri Sembilan Squash Association, and a Major in the Territorial Army’s Rejimen Askar Wataniah. He plays the piano, well enough to have performed and recorded with the Malaysian Philharmonic Orchestra.

Tunku Alif Hussein Saifuddin Al-Amin

To understand this family, you have to understand a son the public never met.

Tunku Alif Hussein Saifuddin Al-Amin was born on 3 September 1984 with a brain injury caused by a vitamin K deficiency. A shunt was placed in his brain in his earliest days; it stayed there for the rest of his life. In a remarkable personal essay published in the Malay Mail in January 2016, days after his youngest brother’s death, Tunku Ali Redhauddin set down what those years were like.

The family went into the children’s medical literature. His parents read What to do About Your Brain-Injured Child. They travelled to Philadelphia for the off-campus programme of the Institutes for the Achievement of Human Potential. They ran “patterning” sessions to teach Alif how to crawl, “inclined plane” drills, “masking” routines to train him to use oxygen efficiently. Volunteers — aunts, uncles, family friends — came three times a week to help. Tunku Ali, then a child himself, was taught to look after his brother during night sessions with a breathing-regulation machine.

To make all of this possible, Tuanku Muhriz sold his company.

In Tunku Ali’s own words: “Eventually, my father sold his company to have both the time and the funds to focus on Alif’s programme, which was stepped up to ‘intensive’ level… As my father had sold his company, our family’s financial resources were lower than they might otherwise have been. Both Idin and I received financial support, including from extended family, to help put us through school.”

This is a detail worth pausing on. The Yang di-Pertuan Besar of Negeri Sembilan — the man whose throne the Undang Yang Empat now declare they have removed him from in defence of adat and the dignity of the office — once gave up his livelihood, drew on the goodwill of relatives to put his other sons through school, and reorganised his entire life around a child who could not speak.

Tunku Alif passed away on 15 January 2016, at the hospital that bears his father’s name. Tunku Ali wrote of his last day:

“On his last day, despite being sedated and barely conscious the previous week, Alif woke up as our family gathered around him. He looked right at us, and despite the breathing tube in his mouth, he tried to talk to us. He had waited for Papa’s birthday to be over, and now it was as if he was telling us that everything would be okay. He was saying goodbye.”

And of the burial at the Seri Menanti Royal Mausoleum:

“As we laid him to rest last Friday afternoon, the clouds erupted, and there was a storm like Seri Menanti had never seen before.”

A Royal Family Known for Being Humble and Ordinary

Tuanku Muhriz’s habit of praying Friday prayers at a different masjid each week is not rumour. It is documented in government records. In January 2020, Bernama and the Pejabat Daerah dan Tanah Jempol recorded the Yang di-Pertuan Besar — accompanied by both his sons, Tunku Ali Redhauddin and Tunku Zain Al-’Abidin — performing solat Jumaat at Masjid Tuanku Muhriz in Bandar Seri Jempol, then sitting down to bersantap bersama rakyat in the masjid grounds. In October 2025, he did the same at Masjid Qaryah Air Hitam in Jempol. In March 2026, he led Aidilfitri prayers at Masjid Diraja Tuanku Munawir in Seri Menanti, and Tunku Zain Al-’Abidin handed out duit raya to the children who came.

A blogger writing on ruggedmom.com — using the unmistakable Negeri Sembilan vernacular, “Kito taulah, kito oghang Pilah” — captured the local reading of all this in a sentence that has been widely shared on Facebook and WhatsApp groups in the days since the crisis broke:

“Keluarga Tuanku Muhriz tidak pernah terpalit dengan apa-apa cerita kurang enak. Baginda dan anakandanya juga solat Jumaat di masjid yang berlainan pada setiap solat Jumaat… Tuanku Muhriz mendapat sokongan sebahagian besar rakyat Nismilan. Keluarga baginda boleh merakyat, berpendidikan dan lowkey.”

(“Tuanku Muhriz’s family has never been touched by any unsavoury story. He and his sons pray Friday prayers at a different masjid each week… Tuanku Muhriz has the support of most of the rakyat of Negeri Sembilan. His family is able to be of the people, educated, and low-key.”)

Three words from that passage — merakyat, berpendidikan, lowkey — sum up the case the rakyat are quietly making for the man whose throne is now contested.

What the Conversation Looks Like Online

Across Malaysian Twitter/X, Threads, and TikTok in the past week, a few patterns have emerged in the way ordinary users discuss this story.

The phrase #DaulatTuanku has been attached to many online posts expressing solidarity with Tuanku Muhriz, and negative sentiment for the other family.

A second strand has focused on the contrast in lifestyles between the two royal lines. Users have circulated photographs of Tuanku Muhriz, Tunku Ali and Tunku Zain at masjid open houses, walking with rakyat after Friday prayers, and seated on the floor at community events.

Tunku Ali’s 2016 essay about his late brother has itself begun recirculating on Facebook and WhatsApp this week — shared, by the look of it, by readers who feel that the man behind the throne deserves to be defended on grounds that go beyond the procedural.

This online sentiment was confirmed in person on 23 April, when a group calling itself the Sekretariat Sokongan dan Taat Setia kepada Yang di-Pertuan Besar dan Menteri Besar gathered outside Istana Hinggap and Wisma Negeri in Seremban. They held yellow banners reading “Mendokong DYMM Tuanku Kekal Sebagai YDPB Negeri Sembilan” and “Setia Kepada Raja, Setia Kepada Negeri.” They submitted a memorandum. And — crucially — they came from all four luak: representatives of the anak waris, ibu soko, lembaga, and buapak of Sungei Ujong, Jelebu, Johol, and Rembau, plus the luak di bawah Tanah Mengandung.

The Sekretariat’s chair, Prof Dr Mohd Aluwi Sari, was reported by Sinar Harian as making one further observation that has resonated online: that much of the loudest noise against Tuanku Muhriz on social media is coming from outside Negeri Sembilan altogether. “Ada orang Melaka bersuara, ada orang Selangor bersuara, ada orang Sarawak bersuara,” he said. “Saya tengok dalam media sosial, semuanya menyalahkan Duli Tuanku dan juga Menteri Besar.”

What This All Says

A constitutional system in which the legitimacy of the Ruler depends on the consent of adat institutions is a delicate one. It works only as long as those institutions remain trusted to speak for the communities they represent.

When the anak waris, ibu soko, lembaga, and buapak of all four luak turn up in person to declare their loyalty to the Yang di-Pertuan Besar and when the same loyalty is being voiced, in the rougher and more honest language of thousands of ordinary Malaysians on social media and Whatsapp chats, the question becomes hard to avoid.

In whose name, exactly, are the Undangs acting?

This question may have already been answered by Nogori people who, across forty-one years of quiet observation, have built up a loyalty to the royal family they recognise as their own.

A father who waited four decades for the throne his father held, and once sold his company to care for a son who could not speak. A mother who learned therapy techniques from American specialists and came home to teach them to volunteers in her own house. An heir who built a corporate career substantial enough that the throne is not what funds his life. A second son who founded a think tank, writes weekly about the very institutions now being tested, and once spent a year of his life restoring the state anthem that asks God to bless his father. One brother who never could speak for himself, but who — in his older brother’s words — “helped shape the lives and characters of everyone who had the opportunity to meet him.”

“Merakyat, berpendidikan, lowkey.”
("Of the people, educated, low-key”)

The rakyat have already made their preference clear. The question is whether anyone with formal authority is listening.

Related Posts:

Sources:

On Tuanku Muhriz

• Muhriz of Negeri Sembilan, Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Muhriz_of_Negeri_Sembilan

• “Passed Over Once, Crowned Later,” The Rakyat Post, 21 April 2026: https://www.therakyatpost.com/news/malaysia/2026/04/21/passed-over-once-crowned-later-the-long-journey-of-negeri-sembilans-tuanku-muhriz-to-the-throne/

• “Negeri Sembilan’s unique ruler selection system,” Malay Mail, 20 April 2026: https://www.malaymail.com/news/malaysia/2026/04/20/negeri-sembilans-unique-ruler-selection-system-who-are-the-undang-yang-empat-and-what-role-are-they-playing/216978

On Tuanku Aishah Rohani

• Tuanku Aishah Rohani, Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tuanku_Aishah_Rohani

• USIM Chancellor profile: https://www.usim.edu.my/chancellor/

On Tunku Ali Redhauddin

• Tunku Ali Redhauddin, Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tunku_Ali_Redhauddin

• “A philanthropic royal family,” The Star, 14 January 2024: https://www.thestar.com.my/news/nation/2024/01/14/a-philanthropic-royal-family

• “Lessons from my brother,” Tunku Ali Redhauddin, Malay Mail, 22 January 2016: https://www.malaymail.com/news/what-you-think/2016/01/22/lessons-from-my-brother-tunku-ali-redhauddin-muhriz/1045869

On Tunku Zain Al-’Abidin

• Tunku Zain Al-’Abidin, Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tunku_Zain_Al-%27Abidin

On the family’s public life

• Ruggedmom blog, 20 April 2026: https://www.ruggedmom.com/2026/04/tuanku-muhriz-yang-di-pertuan-besar.html

• “Majlis Solat Jumaat Bersama Tuanku Muhriz,” Pejabat Daerah dan Tanah Jempol, 10 January 2020: https://jempol.ns.gov.my/16-berita-terkini/193-majlis-solat-jumaat-bersamatuanku-muhriz-ibni-almarhum-tuanku-muhriz-bandar-seri-jempol

• “Tuanku Muhriz Serikan Solat Jumaat Di Masjid Qaryah Air Hitam,” Malaysia Aktif, 25 October 2025: https://malaysiaaktif.my/2025/10/tuanku-muhriz-serikan-solat-jumaat-di-masjid-qaryah-air-hitam

• “Tuanku Muhriz solat sunat Aidilfitri bersama 1,000 jemaah,” RTM, 21 March 2026: https://berita.rtm.gov.my/nasional/senarai-berita-nasional/senarai-artikel/tuanku-muhriz-solat-sunat-aidilfitri-bersama-1000-jemaah/

On the 23 April rally

• “Sekumpulan Rakyat Negeri Sembilan Nyatakan Sokongan Kepada Tuanku Muhriz, Aminuddin,” Bernama via Siakap Keli, 23 April 2026: https://siakapkeli.my/articles/sekumpulan-rakyat-negeri-sembilan-nyatakan-sokongan-kepada-tuanku-muhriz-aminuddin

• “Orang luar jangan buat tuduhan pada Tuanku Muhriz, MB,” Sinar Harian, 23 April 2026: https://www.sinarharian.com.my/article/776924/edisi/melaka-ns/orang-luar-jangan-buat-tuduhan-pada-tuanku-muhriz-mb

On the DUN sitting

• “Negeri Sembilan’s administration must proceed as usual, says Tuanku Muhriz,” FMT, 23 April 2026: https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/nation/2026/04/23/negeri-sembilans-administration-must-proceed-as-usual-says-tuanku-muhriz

A) Offences Under National Law

1. Providing false information to the Seremban district religious officer since July 2018 to change his marriage year

2. Falsifying court records and birth certificates to show his marriage year as 1984 instead of 1985

3. Abusing power by using politicians to bring down Dato’ Lembaga Waris Klana Hulu

4. Abusing power by using government agencies including PDRM to bring down Dato’ Lembaga Waris Klana Hulu

5. Using politicians to improve his constitutional provisions

6. Failing to comply with the Federal and Negeri Sembilan Constitutions

B) Offences Under Syariah Law

7. Violating Section 42(1) of the Negeri Sembilan Islamic Family Law Enactment 2003

8. Not performing Friday prayers at a mosque or approved place since 2020 9. Performing Friday prayers at the Balai Undang with fewer than 40 men continuously since 2020

C) Offences Under Sungei Ujong Adat

10. Defying and being disloyal to the Ibu Soko Dato’ Klana Petra

11. Changing adat by denying the position of Telaga Undang

12. Dismissing Tua Lembaga Tiang Balai without proper consent

13. Withholding allowances of Lembaga Waris Klana Hulu without proper consent

14. Withholding allowances of Lembaga Lingkungan Lenggang without proper consent

15. Dismissing Buapak Waris Andulika without proper consent

16. Dismissing To’ Imam Perang Kanan without proper consent

D) Offences Relating to Adat Governance 1

7. Slandering and damaging the reputation of Laksamana Sungei Ujong in front of other Undang

18. Slandering former JHEAINS Director Dato’ Mohd Zaidi bin Ramli as being of Wahhabi persuasion

19. Denying the rights of Ibu Soko, Ibu Soko Waris Negeri and Waris Klana at the Balai Undang

20. Denying the inheritance rights of Panglima Lintah Jalang and descendants

21. Denying the adat administrative rights of Dato’-Dato’ Lembaga Tiang Balai

22. Denying the adat administrative rights of Dato’ Lembaga Waris Klana Hulu

23. Failing to look after the welfare of Dato’-Dato’ Lembaga Sungei Ujong for 30 years

24. Interfering in adat matters in territory under Dato’ Lembaga’s control

E) Offences Relating to Welfare and Administration

25. Not properly managing the allowances of Ibu Soko, Waris and Dato’ Lembaga

26. Not looking after the welfare of Orang Asli of Sungei Ujong

27. Not properly maintaining the positions of Dato’-Dato’ Lembaga

28. Changing ceremonies by forbidding Ibu Soko Telaga Undang from sitting to the right of Dato’ Klana Petra

29. Changing ceremonies by abolishing meals for Dato’-Dato’ Lembaga, Waris and Ibu Soko at Balai Undang

30. Supporting politicians to defame relatives of Seri Menanti against Mubarak bin Dohak

F) Offences Relating to Leadership and Responsibility

31. Obstructing Dato’-Dato’ Lembaga from upholding customary heritage

32. Frequently absent from DKU meetings

33. Frequently absent from state government functions without reasonable excuse

All offences were reported to both PDRM and JHEAINS for further action.

Sources:

• Infographic published by Telaga Undang Sungei Ujong and circulated widely on Malaysian social media platforms in April 2026. The number of offences (33) and their general categories are confirmed by official statements from the Menteri Besar of Negeri Sembilan dated 17 and 20 April 2026.

• On the 33 offences: https://www.facebook.com/nir.lbj/posts/kenapa-dato-undang-sg-ujong-diberhentikankesalahan-mubarak-bin-dohakpenyiasatan-/26328636036805908/

• https://www.scoop.my/berita/287173/pengisytiharan-turunkan-tuanku-muhriz-tidak-sah-aminuddin/

• https://www.bharian.com.my/berita/ nasional/2026/04/1534902 and

• On JHEAINS and PDRM reports: https://www.malaysiakini.com/news/773373

Related Posts

As of the time of writing, the crisis remains unresolved as a political standoff. Several possible paths forward exist:

Status quo continues: Tuanku Muhriz remains ruler, the government continues to function, and the Undang’s declaration fades into irrelevance through legal nullity. This appears to be the most likely short-term outcome given the MB’s firm stance and the weight of legal opinion.

Negotiated resolution: Behind-the-scenes mediation — possibly involving the Conference of Rulers — produces an amicable settlement. Rais Yatim and others have called for this. The question is what each side would need to concede.

The Undang attempt to gazette the declaration: Without the MB’s signature, this is constitutionally impossible — but if the Undang found a way to apply pressure on the MB or bypass the requirement, the matter could escalate significantly.

Criminal charges: Either under the Sedition Act or Chapter VII of the Penal Code, for wrongful deposition of a ruler. This would dramatically escalate the crisis but has not been indicated by authorities.

Conference of Rulers intervention: Under the Federal Constitution, the Conference of Rulers has powers that could theoretically be invoked. However, this would set an extraordinary precedent.

What Does This Mean for Malaysia’s Royal Institutions?

The crisis has exposed the fragility of Negeri Sembilan’s unique constitutional system when subjected to political pressure. It has also demonstrated the system’s resilience — the MB’s refusal to sign, the Ibu Soko’s withdrawal of support, and the weight of legal opinion have all combined to hold the line.

More broadly, the events of April 2026 raise uncomfortable questions about accountability, transparency and the limits of traditional authority in a modern democratic state — questions that will not be resolved by the outcome of this particular crisis alone.

As The Vibes put it: “Tradition only survives if it stays relevant. If the Undang continue to prioritise personal interests over the vanguard, they will eventually find themselves standing in a museum rather than a palace.”

Sources:

• On possible outcomes and Conference of Rulers: https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/23/why-negeri-sembilan-is-not-in-a-constitutional-crisis

• On calls for amicable resolution: https://www.malaysiakini.com/news/773373

• On the DUN sitting postponement: https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/nation/2026/04/23/negeri-sembilan-assembly-sitting-postponed

• The Vibes on tradition vs modernity: https://www.thevibes.com/articles/opinion/122189/is-negeri-sembilans-future-being-held-hostage

• On current status: https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/nation/2026/04/23/negeri-sembilans-administration-must-proceed-as-usual-says-tuanku-muhriz

• PM’s statement on resolution: https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/nation/2026/04/24/negeri-sembilan-crisis-let-it-be-resolved-according-to-state-laws-pm

Mubarak Dohak held the position of Dato’ Klana Petra, the 10th Undang Luak Sungei Ujong. Sungei Ujong is the largest and most politically significant of the four Luak, covering the area around Seremban — the state capital of Negeri Sembilan.

He was the only remaining member of the 2008 cohort of Undang Yang Empat who originally participated in choosing Tuanku Muhriz as ruler, making his subsequent turn against the ruler particularly striking.

He was removed from his position by the DKU on 17 April 2026 on the basis of 33 violations of adat, syariah and national law. Two days later, he read the declaration against Tuanku Muhriz — an act the MB described as legally void given his already-stripped status.

Who Is Datuk Maarof Mat Rashad — Undang Luak Jelebu?

Datuk Maarof Mat Rashad is the Undang of Jelebu, whose territory covers the northern part of Negeri Sembilan bordering Selangor, with the main town of Kuala Klawang.

SSM public records and a letter on official Balai Undang letterhead raise questions about his conduct in the months before the crisis. In November 2024, he signed an authorisation letter granting rare earth mining rights to NREE Development Sdn. Bhd., bypassing the state PTG office. In January 2025, he became a shareholder in NREE Holdings — the parent company. In March 2026 — one month before the crisis — he quietly exited the company.

Who Is Datuk Muhammed Abdullah — Undang Luak Johol?

Datuk Muhammed Abdullah is the Undang of Johol, installed in 2016. Johol is one of the smaller Luak. Former Court of Appeal judge Datuk Seri Mohd Hishamudin Yunus, writing in The Edge, noted that his own great-great-grandfather was the Undang of Johol for over 60 years — one of the longest-reigning Undang in Negeri Sembilan history.

Who Is Datuk Abdul Rahim Yasin — Undang Luak Rembau?

Datuk Abdul Rahim Yasin is the Undang of Rembau — and by far the most junior of the four, having been installed only in September 2024, barely seven months before signing the declaration against Tuanku Muhriz. His participation is perhaps the most surprising, given his extremely short tenure and limited experience in the position.

Sources:

• On Mubarak’s removal and 33 offences: https://www.thestar.com.my/news/nation/2026/04/23/four-undang-to-skip-ceremony

• On NREE Holdings SSM records: https://einfo.ssm.com.my

• On the Undang of Johol connection in the judge’s article: https://theedgemalaysia.com/node/800970

• On Undang of Rembau’s recent installation: https://www.malaysiakini.com/news/773373

• On all four Undang signing the joint statement: https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/nation/2026/04/20/state-govt-does-not-recognise-declaration-to-depose-negeri-sembilan-ruler-says-mb

Tuanku Muhriz ibni Almarhum Tuanku Munawir is the 11th Yang di-Pertuan Besar of Negeri Sembilan. Born on 14 January 1948, he is the son of Tuanku Munawir, the 9th Yang di-Pertuan Besar who died in 1967. Following his father’s death, the throne passed to his uncle Tuanku Ja’afar — because Tuanku Muhriz was considered too young to rule at the time. He waited over four decades before ascending the throne in December 2008.

His consort is Tuanku Ampuan Besar Tuanku Aishah Rohani binti Almarhum Tengku Besar Mahmud, a princess from the Terengganu royal family, whom he married on 25 April 1974.

What Is He Known For?

Tuanku Muhriz has cultivated a reputation as a principled, humble and reform-minded ruler. Key moments in his public record include:

Anti-corruption: In January 2026 — just months before the crisis — he delivered a speech describing corruption as “the foremost enemy of justice and trust” and expressing disappointment at those who support convicted corrupt officials.

Datukship: He has shown he takes royal honours seriously — previously revoking a Datukship title to preserve royal honour.

Accessibility: Unlike other members of royalty, he is known for being accessible and engaged with the public and civil society.

His sons:

• Tunku Ali Redhauddin, Cambridge and Harvard-educated, World Economic Forum Young Global Leader, President of WWF-Malaysia, Chairman of several boards, Brigadier General and

• Tunku Zain Al-’Abidin, known for his work in public policy.

• Tunku Alif Hussein Saifuddin Al-Amin, deceased

What Has He Said During the Crisis?

Tuanku Muhriz has maintained extraordinary composure throughout. At the DUN opening on April 23, with the Undang’s chairs visibly empty, he said simply: “The absence of state dignitaries does not affect the legitimacy of proceedings.” He urged the public to exercise responsibility, avoid unverified information, and above all: “Do not make decisions influenced solely by emotion.” This composure, observers noted, is not accidental — it reflects a lifetime shaped by patience and process.

Writing in The Vibes on 23 April 2026, journalist Alfian Z.M. Tahir observed that Tuanku Muhriz's journey to the throne is 'perhaps better understood as formative' rather than unusual. Having been passed over in 1967 when the Undang chose his uncle citing his youth, Tuanku Muhriz spent four decades within the system but outside its highest office — holding the title of Tunku Besar Seri Menanti, which placed him close to the workings of governance and adat without placing him at its centre. When he was eventually chosen as Yang di-Pertuan Besar in 2008, it marked, as the article put it, 'not just a succession, but a return — one that carried with it years of observation and institutional familiarity.' That same formative experience, the piece argued, appears to inform how he navigates uncertainty today: 'Rather than redefining the system in moments of strain, his approach has been to hold it steady.'

What Has The Public Response Been?

The public response was equally telling. The day after the boycotted DUN opening, Tuanku Muhriz attended Friday prayers at the state mosque. Veteran journalist Kalimullah Hassan noted,

“Yesterday, at the opening of the Negri Sembilan legislative assembly, the Undangs did not turn up. Their empty chairs were a sad indictment of an unprecedented situation. But today, when Tuanku Muhriz attended Friday prayers at the state mosque, hundreds of the congregation, who’d normally disperse immediately after prayers, lined up to shake hands and wish him well. It’s not politics; but it does tell you something doesn’t it?”

Whatever the ultimate resolution of this crisis, the contrast in approach has already told its own story.

In the end, as The Vibes noted, ‘in a system where tradition and modern governance intersect, continuity may be the most important signal of all.’ Tuanku Muhriz has provided that continuity — not through confrontation or escalation, but through composure, process and an unwavering adherence to institutional norms.

The Undang chose noise. Tuanku Muhriz chose steady.

Sources:

• On Tuanku Muhriz’s background: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Muhriz_of_Negeri_Sembilan

• On his anti-corruption speech: https://www.malaysiakini.com/news/773373

• On his royal address at the DUN: https://malaysia.news.yahoo.com/keep-calm-law-tuanku-muhriz-044524255.html

• The Vibes profile: https://www.thevibes.com/articles/news/122155/steady-in-the-storm-tuanku-muhriz-and-a-test-of-negeri-sembilans-royal-order

• On Datukship revocation: https://www.malaysiakini.com/news/773373

• Steady in the Storm: https://www.thevibes.com/articles/news/122155/steady-in-the-storm-tuanku-muhriz-and-a-test-of-negeri-sembilans-royal-order

Related Posts:

Adat Perpatih is a matrilineal customary law system practised predominantly in Negeri Sembilan and parts of Naning in Melaka. It originated from the Minangkabau people of West Sumatra, who migrated to the Malay Peninsula from the 15th century onwards, bringing with them a unique system of governance built around the rights and authority of women and their clans.

Unlike the patrilineal systems that dominate most of Malaysia and the wider Malay world, Adat Perpatih places women at the centre of lineage, land ownership, and the legitimisation of leadership. The key phrase that defines this system is: “Bulat air kerana pembetung, bulat manusia kerana muafakat” — “Water is rounded by the pipe, people are united through consensus.”

How Does Adat Perpatih Differ From Adat Temenggung?

Malaysia has two main adat systems. Adat Temenggung is the patrilineal customary system practised across most of peninsular Malaysia, in which authority and inheritance pass through the male line. Adat Perpatih, by contrast, is matrilineal — property, lineage and clan identity pass through the female line.

The practical differences are significant:

Inheritance: Under Adat Perpatih, ancestral land (tanah pesaka) passes from mother to daughter, not from father to son. Men may use the land but cannot own or sell it — it belongs permanently to the female lineage.

Leadership: While only men can hold leadership positions (Buapak, Lembaga, Undang, Yang di-Pertuan Besar), the power to appoint and remove leaders belongs to women — specifically the Ibu Soko.

Clan identity: A child belongs to the mother’s clan (suku), not the father’s. Marriage within the same suku is strictly forbidden.

Consensus: Every major decision requires muafakat (consensus) — no single person can act unilaterally, even the Undang.

Why Does This Matter for the 2026 Crisis?

The 2026 crisis is fundamentally a clash between the letter and the spirit of Adat Perpatih. The Undang invoked the customary law to justify removing the ruler — yet in doing so, they allegedly violated the very foundational principles of that same law:

• They acted without the Ibu Soko’s mandate

• They acted without muafakat (consensus) — Mubarak had already been removed

• They bypassed the bottom-up legitimacy flow that Adat Perpatih requires

As one legal commentator put it: you cannot use adat as a weapon while simultaneously violating its core principles.

Sources:

• On Adat Perpatih generally: https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/23/why-negeri-sembilan-is-not-in-a-constitutional-crisis

• On the Ibu Soko’s role: https://theedgemalaysia.com/node/800970

• On the crisis as a violation of adat principles: https://www.thevibes.com/articles/opinion/122189/is-negeri-sembilans-future-being-held-hostage

• Negeri Sembilan Constitution 1959: https://www.agc.gov.my

The Negeri Sembilan royal crisis has exposed fundamental tensions within Malaysia’s unique hybrid constitutional system — one that attempts to preserve centuries-old customary law within a modern democratic state.

Writing in The Vibes on 23 April 2026, a commentator observed: “Adat is a beautiful word, but in the modern halls of power in Negeri Sembilan, it is starting to smell like a convenient excuse.” The piece argued that the Undang, originally designed to be a democratic check on royal power, had allegedly become “a private club for the elite,” using the language of tradition to protect personal interests.

What Does Malaysian Law Say About the Position of Rulers?

Malik Imtiaz Sarwar noted that the Federal Court, in Dhinesh Tanaphll v Lembaga Pencegahan Jenayah & Ors (2022), acknowledged that the Malay Rulers’ functions are a basic feature of the Federal Constitution and are “central and fundamental to the peace and stability of the nation.”

What Happens Next?

As of the time of writing, Tuanku Muhriz remains the recognised Yang di-Pertuan Besar of Negeri Sembilan. The state government has firmly rejected the Undang’s declaration. The Ibu Soko and Anak Waris of all four Luak have publicly sided with Tuanku Muhriz. The weight of legal opinion holds the declaration to be invalid.

Sources:

• The Vibes opinion piece: https://www.thevibes.com/articles/opinion/122189/is-negeri-sembilans-future-being-held-hostage

• Malik Imtiaz on Federal Court ruling: https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/23/why-negeri-sembilan-is-not-in-a-constitutional-crisis

• On current status of crisis: https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/nation/2026/04/23/negeri-sembilans-administration-must-proceed-as-usual-says-tuanku-muhriz

• On DUN sitting postponement: https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/nation/2026/04/23/negeri-sembilan-assembly-sitting-postponed

• Sinar Harian on the crisis: https://www.sinarharian.com.my

What Does Malaysian Law Say About Sedition?

Section 3(1) of the Sedition Act 1948 defines seditious tendency to include anything that:

• Brings into hatred or contempt, or excites disaffection against any Ruler

• Questions the constitutional position of any Ruler

• Promotes feelings of ill will or hostility between different classes of the population

The declaration, broadcast publicly via Facebook Live, purported to declare the Yang di-Pertuan Besar removed and to install a different person in his place. It did so without any of the constitutional requirements being met, without any specific misconduct being named, and — in the case of Mubarak — by a person who had already been stripped of his constitutional authority.

The April 19 declaration was signed and read by all four present:

• Mubarak Dohak (previously Undang Sungai Ujong) — who read the declaration

• Maarof Mat Rashad (Undang Jelebu)

• Muhammad Abdullah (Undang Johol)

• Abdul Rahim Yasin (Undang Rembau )*

Could This Cross the Line into Sedition?

On its face, the April 19 declaration ticks more than one of the boxes set out in Section 3(1) of the Sedition Act 1948. A public proclamation — broadcast live on Facebook — purporting to remove a sitting Yang di-Pertuan Besar and install another in his place plainly questions the constitutional position of the Ruler, which is one of the listed seditious tendencies. Depending on how it was received and amplified, it could also be argued to excite disaffection against the Ruler or to promote ill will between groups within the state.

The legal weakness in the Undang’s position is procedural, and it is significant. A constitutional power exercised outside its constitutional procedure is not the same thing as exercising that power at all. The Negeri Sembilan Constitution sets out, in Articles 10 to 12, the framework within which the Undang Yang Empat may act in matters touching the throne. The April 19 declaration named no specific misconduct, invoked none of the required mechanisms, and — in Mubarak Dohak’s case — was made by a person whom the state government, the Dewan Keadilan dan Undang, and the Telaga Undang have all said no longer holds the office he claimed to be acting from. Menteri Besar Aminuddin Harun has been categorical: the act is “inconsistent with Articles 10 to 12” and is “not recognised” by the state government.

That matters legally because the Undang’s natural defence — that they were exercising a legitimate constitutional power — depends on the act actually being a legitimate exercise of that power. As one reading of the law puts it: invoking a constitutional authority without following its required procedure does not transform an unauthorised act into an authorised one. If the procedural shell is empty, what remains is a public statement attacking the position of the Ruler. And that is precisely what Section 3(1) reaches.

Beyond the Sedition Act, Chapter VII of the Penal Code also looms in the background. As lawyer Malik Imtiaz Sarwar has noted in FMT, that chapter criminalises wrongful deprivation or deposition of a Ruler, his heirs, or successors — a provision that, at the time of writing, has not been invoked in connection with the April 19 declaration.

Has Anyone Been Charged?

At the time of writing, no sedition charges have been filed.

Malaysian police have so far limited their public statements to warning the public against sharing content that could cause anxiety or touch on royal sensitivities. Whether the Attorney-General’s Chambers ultimately considers the conduct prosecution-worthy — under the Sedition Act, the Penal Code, or both — is a decision that has not yet been made, and that this column does not presume to make for them.

What can fairly be said is this: the gap between the constitutional procedure that would have legitimised the Undang’s act, and the press conference that actually took place, is the same gap into which the question of sedition falls. Whether the authorities choose to step into it is now a matter of prosecutorial discretion and political will.

*"Some reports name the Undang of Rembau as Muhammad Shariff Omar; the discrepancy is unresolved at the time of writing."

Sources for Article 9:

• On the police warning: https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/bahasa/tempatan/2026/04/20/polis-beri-amaran-jangan-sentuh-3r-dalam-isu-pemerintahan-n-sembilan

• Malik Imtiaz on Chapter VII of the Penal Code: https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/23/why-negeri-sembilan-is-not-in-a-constitutional-crisis

• Sedition Act 1948: https://www.agc.gov.my

• On no charges being filed: https://www.malaymail.com/news/malaysia/2026/04/23/four-undangs-skip-negeri-sembilan-assembly-opening-as-royal-row-lingers/217334

Documents circulating on social media and verified against public SSM (Companies Commission of Malaysia) records reveal a potentially serious conflict of interest involving Datuk Maarof Mat Rashad, the Undang of Jelebu.

29 November 2024: A letter on official Balai Undang Luak Jelebu letterhead, signed by the Undang of Jelebu (styled as YTM Dato’ Mendika Menteri Akhirulzaman Dato’ Haji Maarof bin Haji Mat Rashad), was issued to NREE Development Sdn. Bhd., 21B First Floor, Lebuhraya Maktab, George Town, Pulau Pinang. The letter granted formal authorisation for rare earth elements (REE) prospecting activities on private land at Plot 1, Mukim Kenaboi, Daerah Jelebu, Negeri Sembilan.

The letter stated: “In accordance with the Negeri Sembilan Land Code, the authority to grant Prospecting Licenses on private land within the Jelebu District resides with the Undang. Therefore, no additional approval is required from the Land and Mines Office (PTG).”

18 January 2025: SSM records show that the Undang of Jelebu, listed at the address of Balai Undang Luak Jelebu, Kuala Klawang, became a shareholder of NREE Holdings (M) Sdn. Bhd. (Registration No. 202401049421) — the parent company of NREE Development. He held 20 shares, representing 20% of the company.

18 March 2026: The Undang of Jelebu exited the company entirely. His total shareholding became zero. This exit occurred approximately one month before the April 19 declaration against Tuanku Muhriz.

What Are the Legal Implications?

A public official using their official position and authority to grant prospecting rights to a company in which they subsequently become a shareholder constitutes, at minimum, a serious conflict of interest. Depending on intent and circumstances, it could potentially amount to corruption under the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission Act 2009.

The authorisation letter explicitly bypassed the state Land and Mines Office (PTG). The Undang’s quiet exit from the company exactly one month before the constitutional crisis raises further questions about timing and motivation.

These matters properly belong before the Suruhanjaya Pencegahan Rasuah Malaysia (SPRM).

Sources:

• SSM public record, NREE Holdings (M) Sdn. Bhd. (202401049421): https://einfo.ssm.com.my

• On the Anthony Loke connection and RM10,000 grant: https://www.malaysiakini.com/news/773373

• Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission Act 2009: https://www.sprm.gov.my

• On the broader corruption allegations: https://www.thevibes.com/articles/opinion/122189/is-negeri-sembilans-future-being-held-hostage

• https://www.tiktok.com/@waghihghombau.expose

  

  @waghihghombau.exposeKalau dia sendiri pemilik dan pengarah syarikat, lepas tu guna jawatan dia sebagai ketua untuk keluarkan surat lantikan kepada syarikat tu… itu bukan lagi “nampak tak kena” tapi itu memang terang-terang conflict of interest. Dalam adat, ini kira khianat amanah. Orang bagi dia pegang jawatan untuk jaga kepentingan anak buah, tapi dia guna untuk bagi projek pada company sendiri. “Aku ada kuasa, aku bagi kat aku” Dari segi undang-undang pula, lagi tak boleh cover. Bawah Akta Suruhanjaya Pencegahan Rasuah Malaysia 2009, guna kedudukan untuk bagi kelebihan pada diri sendiri memang boleh kena. Tak payah tunggu duit masuk poket pun, cukup kalau dia ada kepentingan dalam syarikat tu, dah boleh jadi kes. Lagi-lagi kalau dia yang sign surat, dia yang luluskan, dan dia juga yang dapat manfaat. Itu bukan lagi urusan rasmi, itu dah jadi urus diri sendiri guna jawatan. Senang cerita, dia jadi referee tapi dalam masa sama pemain yang jaring gol sendiri dan declare sah. Nak kata bersih? Jauh sekali. Ini jenis benda yang kalau ada bukti hitam putih, memang susah nak pusing cerita. Sama ada dari sudut adat atau undang-undang, memang nampak sangat ada salah guna kedudukan. #fyp #undang

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On 23 April 2026, Tuanku Muhriz opened the first sitting of the fourth session of the 15th Negeri Sembilan State Legislative Assembly at Wisma Negeri, Seremban, as scheduled.

All four Undang — Mubarak Dohak (Sungei Ujong), Maarof Mat Rashad (Jelebu), Muhammed Abdullah (Johol), and Abdul Rahim Yasin (Rembau) — were absent. Tunku Besar Tampin Tunku Syed Razman also did not attend, having issued a joint statement with the Undang the previous night advising the ceremony be postponed.

This was the first such absence since Tuanku Muhriz ascended the throne in 2008 — breaking an unbroken 17-year tradition. Under the state’s Adat Perpatih system, the Four Undangs and the Tunku Besar Tampin are key figures who are customarily present at official state ceremonies.

What Did Tuanku Muhriz Say in His Royal Address?

Tuanku Muhriz addressed both the crisis and the absence directly:

“The absence of state dignitaries who would normally be present at the official opening did not affect the validity or smooth running of the sitting.”

He called for calm, restraint, and strict adherence to the law: “Do not, under any circumstances, make decisions or take actions influenced solely by emotion or personal inclination.” The State Assembly Speaker confirmed the proceedings met all required conditions and were conducted in accordance with procedure.

Sources:

• On the boycott and empty seats: https://www.malaymail.com/news/malaysia/2026/04/23/four-undangs-skip-negeri-sembilan-assembly-opening-as-royal-row-lingers/217334

• On Tuanku Muhriz’s royal address: https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/nation/2026/04/23/negeri-sembilans-administration-must-proceed-as-usual-says-tuanku-muhriz

• On the assembly proceeding as valid: https://malaysia.news.yahoo.com/keep-calm-law-tuanku-muhriz-044524255.html

• On the Undang’s joint boycott statement: https://www.thestar.com.my/news/nation/2026/04/23/four-undang-to-skip-ceremony

• MB’s Instagram post on the opening: https://www.instagram.com/dsaminuddinharun/

Tan Sri Rais Yatim, who served as Menteri Besar of Negeri Sembilan from 1978 to 1982 — his entire term falling within the reign of Tuanku Ja’afar — has publicly stated that the Undang Yang Empat’s action was constitutionally legitimate. He argued that if the Undang withdraw support over wrongdoing that damages the dignity of the position, the Yang di-Pertuan Besar can be removed.

It is worth noting the lineage dimension here. The proclamation of April 19 did not merely seek to depose Tuanku Muhriz — it sought to install Tunku Nadzaruddin, the third son of the late Tuanku Ja’afar, in his place. The current dispute is, in part, a contest between two royal lines: the Munawir line (Tuanku Muhriz’s father, who ruled 1960–67) and the Ja’afar line (which held the throne from 1967 to 2008). Readers can decide for themselves what weight to give Rais’s particular path through that history.

Rais has also stated that Mubarak’s removal via the DKU on April 17 was invalid — effectively arguing that the action against Tuanku Muhriz was procedurally legitimate, while the action that would have prevented it was not. Both decisions were taken by Negeri Sembilan’s traditional adat institutions. Accepting the validity of one while rejecting the other is a position that requires more explanation than has so far been offered. He has called for an amicable resolution.What Did the Legal Community Say?

What Did the Legal Community Say?

The weight of serious legal opinion has lined up firmly against the validity of the Undang's declaration.

Datuk Seri Mohd Hishamudin Yunus, a former Court of Appeal judge writing in The Edge on 23 April 2026, identified three grounds of invalidity: the absence of due process accorded to the Yang di-Pertuan Besar, the participation of a biased party, and the missing signature of the Menteri Besar required by Article X. His conclusion was that the proclamation is legally unenforceable.

Malik Imtiaz Sarwar, a senior constitutional lawyer writing in FMT on the same day, walked through the Article X pre-conditions in detail and concluded that none of them had been satisfied. The Ruler had not been put on notice of any specific defect, had been afforded no opportunity to be heard, and no proclamation bearing the signatures of the Undang and the Menteri Besar had been produced. His bottom line, given that the DKU had already acted and the Menteri Besar had confirmed Mubarak’s removal, was striking in its simplicity: “There is in reality no constitutional crisis in Negeri Sembilan.”

A separate opinion piece in The Vibes on 23 April 2026 framed the dispute in less technical terms: “There is nothing traditional about prioritising board seats, land premiums and state-linked perks over the welfare of the people… Greed dressed up in ceremonial finery.”

Three different vantage points — a former appellate judge, a senior constitutional lawyer, and an editorial column — converge on the same point. The Undang’s procedural defence does not hold, and the substance behind it is open to serious question

Sources:

• On Rais Yatim’s statement: https://www.malaysiakini.com/news/773373

• Malik Imtiaz Sarwar, FMT: https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/23/why-negeri-sembilan-is-not-in-a-constitutional-crisis

• Datuk Seri Mohd Hishamudin Yunus, The Edge: https://theedgemalaysia.com/node/800970

• The Vibes opinion piece: https://www.thevibes.com/articles/opinion/122189/is-negeri-sembilans-future-being-held-hostage

• The Vibes profile of Tuanku Muhriz: https://www.thevibes.com/articles/news/122155/steady-in-the-storm-tuanku-muhriz-and-a-test-of-negeri-sembilans-royal-order

To understand the motivations behind the 2026 crisis, it is necessary to go back to 2008 and the succession that followed the death of Tuanku Ja’afar ibni Almarhum Tuanku Abdul Rahman on 27 December 2008.

Under Negeri Sembilan’s rotational system, the throne alternates among eligible royal lineages. Tuanku Muhriz represented the line of his father Tuanku Munawir, which had not held the throne for decades. The Undang of that era championed Tuanku Muhriz firmly, reportedly refusing to consider Tunku Naquiyuddin ibni Almarhum Tuanku Ja’afar as an alternative. Reports at the time indicated that the Ja’afar family were utterly devastated by the outcome — the beginning of nearly two decades of accumulated grievance.

Who Are the Eligible Princes?

The current pool of eligible princes consists of:

From Tuanku Muhriz’s line:

• Tunku Ali Redhauddin ibni Tuanku Muhriz (born 26 April 1977) — Tunku Besar Seri Menanti, Cambridge-educated, member of the DKU, Brigadier General, Chairman of Astro Malaysia Holdings

• Tunku Zain Al-’Abidin ibni Tuanku Muhriz (born 6 July 1982)

(A third son, Tunku Alif Hussein, born 1984, passed away on 15 January 2016.)

From Tuanku Ja’afar’s line:

• Tunku Naquiyuddin ibni Almarhum Tuanku Ja’afar — eldest son, passed over in 2008

• Tunku Tan Sri Imran ibni Almarhum Tuanku Ja’afar — second son

• Tunku Nadzaruddin ibni Almarhum Tuanku Ja’afar — youngest son, named by the Undang as proposed replacement

The Ja’afar family’s candidates outnumber Tuanku Muhriz’s heirs three to two. The selection of Tunku Nadzaruddin — the youngest of the Ja’afar sons, bypassing both Tunku Naquiyuddin and Tunku Imran — has not been publicly explained by the Undang.

What Is the Significance of the Tunku Besar Seri Menanti Title?

Tunku Ali Redhauddin holds the title Tunku Besar Seri Menanti — the most senior princely title in the royal hierarchy of Negeri Sembilan, conferred on 22 February 2009. The Tunku Besar is constitutionally a member of the DKU itself. The title has been conferred only three times in 120 years.

Sources:

• On the 2008 succession and Ja’afar family reaction: https://www.malaymail.com/news/malaysia/2026/04/23/four-undangs-skip-negeri-sembilan-assembly-opening-as-royal-row-lingers/217334

• On Tunku Ali Redhauddin: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tunku_Ali_Redhauddin

• On the Tunku Besar Seri Menanti appointment: https://www.thestar.com.my/news/nation/2009/02/23/tunku-ali-appointed-tunku-besar-seri-menanti

• On the pool of eligible princes: https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/nation/2026/04/20/state-govt-does-not-recognise-declaration-to-depose-negeri-sembilan-ruler-says-mb

The Ibu Soko is one of the most misunderstood yet critically important figures in Negeri Sembilan’s matrilineal system. In Adat Perpatih — the customary law inherited from the Minangkabau people of West Sumatra — power to govern is given to men, but the power to choose who governs belongs to women.

The Ibu Soko is the most senior woman in a tribal clan, the keeper of customary knowledge and memory, and the ultimate matriarchal gatekeeper of legitimacy. Her consent is constitutionally required for the appointment or removal of an Undang. Without the Ibu Soko’s blessing, no such act is considered legitimate under adat.

Her four key roles are:

1. Penentu Waris — Determines which heirs are legitimate

2. Penentu Pewaris Jawatan — Determines who is eligible to be appointed as Buapak, Lembaga, or Undang

3. Kuasa Melucutkan — Power to strip an Undang or position holder

4. Penjaga Adat & Tanah — Guardian of adat, land, and clan heritage

Crucially, without the Ibu Soko’s support, every level of power — from the Lembaga all the way up to the Undang Yang Empat — is rendered invalid.

Why Is the Ibu Soko’s Position So Significant in This Crisis?

At Mubarak’s Removal (April 17) The official media statement from the Menteri Besar confirms that Tuanku Muhriz specifically invoked Article 24 of the Negeri Sembilan Constitution to invite the Ibu Soko Klana Hulu and Waris Klana Hulu to the DKU special sitting. Her presence lent critical customary legitimacy to the proceedings.

After the Declaration (April 19) Sharifah Norzaidah, the official Ibu Soko Klana Hulu, specifically stated that she never gave Mubarak a mandate to make the declaration against Tuanku Muhriz. This makes Mubarak’s action doubly invalid — both constitutionally and under adat.

Subsequently, the Ibu Soko and Anak Waris of all four Luak submitted a formal memorandum of support and loyalty to Tuanku Muhriz at Istana Hinggap in Seremban.

Sources:

• On the Ibu Soko’s role in the DKU sitting: Official MB media statement, 17 April 2026

• On the Ibu Soko not giving Mubarak a mandate: https://www.malaymail.com/news/malaysia/2026/04/23/four-undangs-skip-negeri-sembilan-assembly-opening-as-royal-row-lingers/217334

• On the memorandum of support: https://theedgemalaysia.com/node/800970

• General background on Adat Perpatih: https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/23/why-negeri-sembilan-is-not-in-a-constitutional-crisis

Article X of the Negeri Sembilan Constitution 1959 is the key provision governing the removal of the Yang di-Pertuan Besar. It establishes a strict framework with several mandatory requirements that must ALL be fulfilled before a ruler can lawfully be removed.

The provision states that the power to call upon the Yang di-Pertuan Besar to withdraw or abdicate may only be exercised “if it is considered and determined that His Highness has done any overt act detrimental to the sanctity, honour and dignity of a Yang di-Pertuan Besar or has deliberately disregarded the provisions of this Constitution.”

What Are the Four Requirements Under Article X?

Senior constitutional lawyer Malik Imtiaz Sarwar, writing in Free Malaysia Today on 23 April 2026, identified four significant features of the Article X framework:

1. Full and Complete Enquiry The Undang must conduct “a full and complete enquiry” into the impugned conduct of the ruler. This is not a discretionary step, it is a mandatory precondition.

2. Right to Be Heard The ruler must be afforded a right to be heard. He must be notified of the specific allegations and their factual basis, so he can address the matter comprehensively.

3. Objective Determination It is only upon the Undang objectively arriving at a determination that the allegation is made out that they are empowered to call upon the Yang di-Pertuan Besar to withdraw or abdicate.

4. Proclamation Signed by Undang AND Menteri Besar Article X Clause (2) provides that the determination must be followed by a proclamation signed by both the Undang and the Menteri Besar. Without the Menteri Besar’s signature, the proclamation is constitutionally incomplete.

5. Gazetted The proclamation must be gazetted to come into legal force.

Why Do Legal Experts Say the Declaration Was Invalid?

Former Court of Appeal Judge Datuk Seri Mohd Hishamudin Yunus, himself an anak Negeri Sembilan from Suku Biduanda whose great-great-grandfather was the Undang of Johol for over 60 years, wrote in The Edge on 23 April 2026 that the proclamation was invalid for three separate reasons:

First, there was no due process. No specific misconduct against Tuanku Muhriz was ever publicly stated.

Second, Mubarak was a biased participant. He had been removed just two days earlier, yet read the proclamation. The judge stated Mubarak “should not have been a party to the proclamation.”

Third, the MB’s signature is constitutionally required. The MB explicitly refused to sign or recognise it. Therefore, the declaration is “legally unenforceable unless and until there is a Proclamation issued jointly by the Undangs and the Menteri Besar.”

Malik Imtiaz Sarwar concluded: “There is in reality no constitutional crisis in Negeri Sembilan.” He also noted that Chapter VII of the Penal Code criminalises conduct including the wrongful deposition of a ruler, citing the Federal Court’s ruling in Dhinesh Tanaphill v Lembaga Pencegahan Jenayah & Ors (2022) that the Malay Rulers’ functions are “central and fundamental to the peace and stability of the nation.”

What Is Article XVI and Why Does It Matter?

Article XVI empowers the DKU to advise on any question relating to the election, succession to, or removal from any office of the Ruling Chiefs. Article XVI also states that the decision and advice of the DKU “shall be final and shall not be challenged or called in question in any court on any ground.” This means Mubarak’s April 17 removal is constitutionally final.

Sources:

• Malik Imtiaz Sarwar, FMT, 23 April 2026: https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/23/why-negeri-sembilan-is-not-in-a-constitutional-crisis

• Datuk Seri Mohd Hishamudin Yunus, The Edge, 23 April 2026: https://theedgemalaysia.com/node/800970

• On MB not signing proclamation: https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/nation/2026/04/20/state-govt-does-not-recognise-declaration-to-depose-negeri-sembilan-ruler-says-mb

• On no specific misconduct named: https://www.thestar.com.my/news/nation/2026/04/22/tuanku-muhriz-to-open-negri-sembilan-assembly-despite-ouster-attempt

• On Tuanku Muhriz’s royal address: https://malaysia.news.yahoo.com/keep-calm-law-tuanku-muhriz-044524255.html

• Negeri Sembilan Constitution 1959: https://www.agc.gov.my

To understand the crisis, it is essential to understand what happened before the dramatic declaration of April 19.

The Removal of Mubarak Dohak

On 17 April 2026, the Dewan Keadilan dan Undang (DKU) — the highest authority governing the four Undang — convened a special sitting at Istana Besar Seri Menanti at 10am. Tuanku Muhriz personally presided, invoking Article 24 of the Negeri Sembilan Constitution 1959.

At that sitting, the Ibu Soko Klana Hulu and Waris Klana Hulu were formally invited to attend — a procedurally significant step under Article 24. The DKU was then presented with 33 grounds for the removal of Mubarak bin Dohak as Undang Luak Sungei Ujong.

The DKU advised the acceptance of Mubarak’s removal, in accordance with the adat of Luak Sungei Ujong and consistent with Article 14(3) of the Negeri Sembilan Constitution 1959. This was confirmed in an official media statement by Menteri Besar Aminuddin on the same day.

Importantly, the removal was not a sudden decision. Official statements confirmed that the Telaga Undang and Waris Klana Hulu had actually decided to remove Mubarak as far back as 13 May 2025 — nearly a year before the April 2026 DKU sitting. The DKU special sitting on 17 April 2026 merely advised and accepted that earlier adat decision. This is significant — it means the case against Mubarak had been building for almost a year before it became public.

The Counter-Declaration

On 19 April 2026 — just two days after Mubarak’s removal — Mubarak, along with the other three Undang, staged a public declaration at the Balai Undang Luak Sungei Ujong. The event was livestreamed on the official Luak Sungei Ujong Facebook page. No questions were taken. No specific misconduct against Tuanku Muhriz was named. No proclamation signed by the Menteri Besar was produced.

Two declarations were read:

1. That Tuanku Muhriz was removed as Yang di-Pertuan Besar on grounds of misconduct

2. That Tunku Nadzaruddin ibni Almarhum Tuanku Ja’afar was installed as the new Yang di-Pertuan Besar

The declaration was witnessed by Datuk Syahbandar Sungei Ujong, Datuk Baharudin Abdul Khalid.

Critically, no specific misconduct was named against Tuanku Muhriz. The declaration cited only Article 10(1)(b) of the Negeri Sembilan Constitution as the constitutional basis.

The Government’s Response

In the early hours of 20 April, Menteri Besar Aminuddin issued a statement firmly rejecting the declaration. He stated that the state government did not recognise or accept the move, on the grounds that Mubarak had already been removed as Undang and therefore held no authority to participate in or read the declaration. The MB further stated that the action contravened Articles 10 to 12 of the Negeri Sembilan Constitution 1959.

This was not without precedent — the MB noted that the 14th Undang Luak Johol, Datuk Mohammad Jan Abdul Ghani, was similarly removed on 27 March 2016 on 13 offences relating to pesaka and adat.

Detailed Timeline

29 December 1993 Mubarak Dohak appointed as the 10th Undang Luak Sungei Ujong.

27 December 2008 Tuanku Ja’afar passes away. Throne of Negeri Sembilan becomes vacant.

29 December 2008 The Undang Yang Empat choose Tuanku Muhriz ibni Almarhum Tuanku Munawir as the 11th Yang di-Pertuan Besar — passing over Tunku Naquiyuddin, eldest son of Tuanku Ja’afar.

27 March 2016 Precedent set — the 14th Undang Luak Johol, Datuk Mohammad Jan Abdul Ghani, removed by the DKU for 13 offences relating to pesaka and adat. This confirms the process used against Mubarak is not unprecedented.

21 November 2024 NREE Holdings (M) Sdn. Bhd. incorporated in Pulau Pinang.

29 November 2024 Undang of Jelebu Datuk Maarof Mat Rashad signs an official letter on Balai Undang Luak Jelebu letterhead granting rare earth mining prospecting rights to NREE Development Sdn. Bhd. in Mukim Kenaboi, Jelebu — explicitly bypassing the state Land and Mines Office (PTG).

18 January 2025 SSM records show the Undang of Jelebu becomes a 20% shareholder in NREE Holdings (M) Sdn. Bhd., listed at the Balai Undang Luak Jelebu address.

13 May 2025 Telaga Undang and Waris Klana Hulu of Luak Sungei Ujong formally remove Mubarak Dohak from his hereditary position as Dato’ Klana Petra. This decision — made nearly a year before the public crisis — means all of Mubarak’s decisions from this date are considered invalid under adat.

20 November 2025 Shareholding changes in NREE Holdings — Tan Hock Yee exits the company entirely.

14 January 2026 Tuanku Muhriz delivers a public speech expressing shock and disappointment at parties who continue supporting individuals convicted of serious corruption charges.

18 March 2026 The Undang of Jelebu quietly exits NREE Holdings entirely, transferring all 20 shares out. Total shareholding: zero. This is 32 days before the declaration against Tuanku Muhriz.

1 April 2026 A meeting is held at Telaga Undang Sungei Ujong regarding Mubarak’s removal.

17 April 2026 — 10:00am Dewan Keadilan dan Undang (DKU) convenes a special sitting at Istana Besar Seri Menanti. Tuanku Muhriz personally presides, invoking Article 24 of the Negeri Sembilan Constitution 1959. The Ibu Soko Klana Hulu and Waris Klana Hulu are formally invited to attend. All 33 grounds for Mubarak’s removal are presented to the full DKU. The DKU unanimously advises acceptance of Mubarak’s removal under Article 14(3) of the Negeri Sembilan Constitution 1959.

17 April 2026 — evening Menteri Besar Aminuddin issues official media statement confirming Mubarak’s removal.

18 April 2026 Mubarak’s supporters — Dato’-Dato’ Lembaga Adat Sungei Ujong — issue a statement claiming he is still the legitimate Undang. The counter-narrative begins.

19 April 2026 — approximately 6:15pm Mubarak, along with Undang of Jelebu, Johol and Rembau, stage a public declaration at the Balai Undang Luak Sungei Ujong, livestreamed on the official Luak Sungei Ujong Facebook page. Two declarations are read: (1) Tuanku Muhriz is removed as Yang di-Pertuan Besar, and (2) Tunku Nadzaruddin ibni Almarhum Tuanku Ja’afar is installed as the new ruler. No specific misconduct against Tuanku Muhriz is named. The declaration is witnessed by Datuk Syahbandar Sungei Ujong Datuk Baharudin Abdul Khalid.

20 April 2026 — early hours Menteri Besar Aminuddin issues a firm statement rejecting the declaration. He states it cannot be accepted or recognised as Mubarak no longer holds any authority as Undang, and the action contravenes Articles 10 to 12 of the Negeri Sembilan Constitution 1959.

20 April 2026 Police issue a public warning against spreading content that touches on the 3R sensitivities — Race, Religion and Royalty — in connection with the crisis.

20 April 2026 Telaga Undang Sarifah Norzaidah Al-Qadri — the Ibu Soko Klana Hulu — issues a statement confirming she never gave Mubarak a mandate to make the declaration. She sides firmly with Tuanku Muhriz.

21 April 2026 All four Undang issue a joint signed statement reaffirming their declaration and insisting Mubarak’s removal by the DKU was invalid. The Sinar Harian describes the crisis as “the biggest in the state’s history.”

22 April 2026 State secretary’s office confirms the DUN opening will proceed as scheduled. Multiple legal opinions begin emerging from constitutional lawyers firmly rejecting the validity of the declaration.

23 April 2026 — morning Former Court of Appeal judge Datuk Seri Mohd Hishamudin Yunus publishes opinion in The Edge identifying three grounds of invalidity. Malik Imtiaz Sarwar publishes in FMT concluding there is no constitutional crisis.

23 April 2026 — 10:00am Tuanku Muhriz opens the first sitting of the fourth session of the 15th Negeri Sembilan State Legislative Assembly at Wisma Negeri. All four Undang and Tunku Besar Tampin boycott — the first such absence in 17 years. Tuanku Muhriz delivers his royal address, stating the absence of dignitaries does not affect the validity of proceedings.

23 April 2026 — afternoon SSM e-Info document on NREE Holdings extracted from public record, revealing the full shareholding history including the Undang of Jelebu’s entry and exit.

24 April 2026 Prime Minister states the crisis should be resolved according to state laws. The Conference of Rulers has not publicly intervened.

26 April 2026 Crisis remains unresolved. Tuanku Muhriz continues as the recognised Yang di-Pertuan Besar. The declaration has no legal standing. The standoff continues.

Sources

• https://www.thestar.com.my/news/nation/2026/04/21/a-royal-storm-in-negri-sembilan

• https://www.thestar.com.my/news/nation/2026/04/21/a-royal-storm-in-negri-sembilan

• https://www.malaymail.com/news/malaysia/2026/04/20/no-authority-no-validity-negeri-sembilan-mb-rejects-bid-to-unseat-state-ruler/216927

• https://www.klsescreener.com/v2/news/view/1708107

• https://www.therakyatpost.com/news/malaysia/2026/04/21/passed-over-once-crowned-later-the-long-journey-of-negeri-sembilans-tuanku-muhriz-to-the-throne/

• https://www.scmp.com/week-asia/politics/article/3351123/malaysia-tussle-over-negeri-sembilans-ruler-highlights-unique-state-monarchy

• https://www.malaysiakini.com/newsletter/773488

• On Mubarak’s removal and the DKU meeting: https://www.malaymail.com/news/malaysia/2026/04/23/four-undangs-skip-negeri-sembilan-assembly-opening-as-royal-row-lingers/217334

• On the declaration and MB rejection: https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/nation/2026/04/20/state-govt-does-not-recognise-declaration-to-depose-negeri-sembilan-ruler-says-mb

• On no specific misconduct named: https://www.thestar.com.my/news/nation/2026/04/22/tuanku-muhriz-to-open-negri-sembilan-assembly-despite-ouster-attempt

• Berita Harian https://www.bharian.com.my/berita/nasional/2026/04/1534902/dibentangkan-33-sebab-tuanku-muhriz-bersama-seluruh-dewan-keadilan

• MB statement confirming 33 offences reported to PDRM & JHEAINS: https://www.scoop.my/berita/287173/pengisytiharan-turunkan-tuanku-muhriz-tidak-sah-aminuddin/

• Demi Rakyat Channel quoting MB directly: https://demirakyatchannel.my/2026/04/33-sebab-jadi-asas-mubarak-gugur-sebagai-undang-luak-sungai-ujong/

This is the story of what happened, who the key players are, and what the law actually says.

Who Are the Key Players in This Crisis?

Tuanku Muhriz ibni Almarhum Tuanku Munawir is the 11th Yang di-Pertuan Besar (Supreme Ruler) of Negeri Sembilan. He ascended the throne on 29 December 2008, following the death of his predecessor Tuanku Ja’afar ibni Almarhum Tuanku Abdul Rahman. Tuanku Muhriz is known for his principled public stance — most notably, a January 2026 speech in which he described corruption as “the foremost enemy of justice and trust.”

The Undang Yang Empat are the four hereditary chiefs of Negeri Sembilan’s four territorial divisions (Luak). They are:

1. Datuk Mubarak bin Dohak — Undang Luak Sungei Ujong (the 10th)

2. Datuk Maarof Mat Rashad — Undang Luak Jelebu

3. Datuk Muhammed Abdullah — Undang Luak Johol

4. Datuk Abdul Rahim Yasin — Undang Luak Rembau (installed September 2024)

Under Negeri Sembilan’s unique constitutional system — rooted in the Minangkabau-derived Adat Perpatih — the Undang Yang Empat hold the prerogative power to elect, and theoretically remove, the Yang di-Pertuan Besar.

Dato’ Seri Utama Aminuddin bin Harun is the Menteri Besar (Chief Minister) of Negeri Sembilan. He has firmly backed Tuanku Muhriz throughout this crisis.

Tunku Nadzaruddin ibni Almarhum Tuanku Ja’afar is the youngest son of the late Tuanku Ja’afar, and was named by the Undang as the proposed replacement for Tuanku Muhriz.

What Makes Negeri Sembilan’s Constitutional System Unique?

Negeri Sembilan is the only Malaysian state with a fully matrilineal (Adat Perpatih) royal system inherited from the Minangkabau people of West Sumatra, who migrated to the peninsula from the 15th century onwards. Under this system:

• The Yang di-Pertuan Besar is elected — not inherited — by the Undang Yang Empat from a pool of eligible princes

• The Undang themselves are hereditary chiefs whose positions are legitimised by the Ibu Soko — the senior matriarch of each clan, whose consent is required for any appointment or removal

• Power is distributed between the ruler, the Undang, and the matriarchal clan system in a way that has no parallel elsewhere in Malaysia

The Negeri Sembilan Constitution 1959 codifies these arrangements, creating a framework that balances royal authority with traditional checks.

Sources:

On Tuanku Muhriz’s anti-corruption speech: https://www.malaysiakini.com/news/773373

On the Negeri Sembilan Constitution 1959 and Adat Perpatih: https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/23/why-negeri-sembilan-is-not-in-a-constitutional-crisis

On the MB’s rejection of the declaration: https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/nation/2026/04/20/state-govt-does-not-recognise-declaration-to-depose-negeri-sembilan-ruler-says-mb